(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Treaty of peace with Germany : hearing[s] before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Sixty-sixth Congress, first session .."

Google 



This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on Hbrary shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http : //books . google . com/| 






.^^ 






V f ' " °' 



_ '.^ 






'^^O^ 



O^;, 



^^^ 



0' 






V f * • »* o 






- < 

^ 






^^ 



O. 






A 






'o , * 



o " o 



.0 



.^^ 






■.^ 



^^ 



* < 



.1 






a > 







4 o 



s • ♦ 




V^ 



^^ 



.^' 









.0' 






^ 



O N O 



X- — :', ; I' ■ f — .V 






.f^ 



'•^. 



'♦ > V » ' * "' cv 






•^ 











P "^ * « - o « A V- 













^1 















r ■» 



.f^ 



»te'- /'-. ■•»• ,^°% -i^/ /°- 









• » 



t« • " ■J^" «*. * ° « <> ' . 

o 



■*' :-i&- \/ -ill': \.** ••» 






■V 










REATY OF PEA CE WITH GERMANY 

EXTRACTS-'FROM HEARING 



BEFORE THE 



COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 
UNITED STATES SENATE 



r/ 



The Case of Hungary • 



SIXTY-SIXTH CONGEESS 

FIRST SE3SION 







WASHINGTON 
GOVERNMENT iaHMlNQ OFFICE 



:>?, 



^-f^ 




COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. 



HENRY CABOT LODGE, Massachusetts, Chairman. 



PORTER J. McCUMBER, North Dakota. 
WILLIAM E. BORAH, Idaho. 
FRANK B. BRANDEOEE, Connecticut. 
ALBERT B. FALL, New Mexico. 
PHILANDEI^ C. KNOX, Pennsylvania. 
WARREN G. HARDING, Ohio. 
HIRAM W.JOHNSON, California. 
HARRY S. NEW, Indiana. 
GEORGE H. MOSES, New Hampshire. 

C. F. Redmond, Clerk. 

n 



GILBERT M. HITCHCOCK, Nebna 
JOHN SHARP WILLIAMS, MississJ 
CLAUDE A. SWANSON, Virginia. 
ATLEE POMERENE, Ohio. 
MARCUS A. SMITH, Arizona. 
KEY PITTMAN, Nevada. 
JOHN K. SHIELDS, Tennessee- 



07 •' y^ 

JAM 20 1920 



Ca a5,60CH 



u 



"i 



ri 



MONDAY, SEPTBMBEB 2, 1919. 



V^ United States Senate, 

COB£MITTEE OP FOREIGN RELATIONS, | 

WashinffUmy D. C. 

The committee met, pursuant to adjournment at 10 o'clock a. m., 
in room 426, Senate Office Building, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge 
presiding. 

Present: Senators Lodge (chairman), Brandegee, Knox, New, 
Moses, Swanson, and Pomerene. 

The Chairman. We will hear those who desire to speak in behalf 
of Hungary. Our time is very short. We can give you gentlemen 
only an hour, as we have another hearing set for this morning. 

STATEMENT OF EXTGEirE PIVilTT, NATIONAL SECEETABT OF 
THE HTJNOABIAN-AMESICAN FEDERATION. 

Mr. Pivany. Mr. Chairman, and members of the Committee on 
Foreign Relations, before presenting our case to you on behalf of the 
Hungarian- American Federation, f wish to express our ^anks for, 
and appreciation of, the spirit of fair play evinced by the willingness 
of your committee to have us testify before you in the case of 
Hutgary. 

We feel that in appearing before you we are performing a civic 
duty and are serving the best interests of our country as well as of 
mankind, for — 

(1) We endeavor thereby to prevent the United States of America 
from becoming an active partner to the unwarranted, unjust and 
arbitrary disintegration and annihilation of a country that has existed 
in the territorial condition now to be disturbed for over a thousand 
years and had become a recognized factor of civilization; 

(2) Bv placing at the disposal of your committee, the Senate 
of the United States, and the American people the true facts of 
the case, we endeavor to prevent that judgment be based on the 
one-sided, or unreal, or fabricated statements which have been 
spread broadcast by the claimants of Hungarian territory for several 
years F^st; 

(3) The fate of what had been known until the armistice as Hun- 
gary is not a mo^tter of indifference to the rest of the world, as might 
be mf erred from the lack of interest in the subject shown by various 
factors of public opinion in this country. On the contrary, the very 
peace of Europe depends on it. 

In order to add to the lucidity of our brief, we beg leave to give 
first a concise account of the treatment accorded to Hungary during 
the armistice, then present our data and arguments grouped as to (1) 
the historical; (2) the racial or ethnographic; (3) the religious; (4) the 
economic; and (5) the political or international aspects of the case, 
and, finally, state our conclusions. 

947 



948 TBEATY OF PEACE WITH GERMANY. 

On the ni^ht from October 30 to October 31, 1918, after much 
agitation lasting several months, a revolution broke out in Budapest, 
the Capital of Hungary, which put Count Michael K&roljd into power, 
demanded the immediate cessation of hostilities and the opening of 
negotiations for the conclusion of a just and lasting peace. Shortly 
afterward a republican form of government was adopted by the 
Hungarian National Council based on universal male and female 
suffraffe, and K&rolyi was elected temporary president. It was quite 
logical to have K&rolyi head this movement, for K&rolyi had been the 
leader of the party in the Hungarian Parliament opposed to the alli- 
ance with Germany, he had openly, and with considerable risk to his 
person, avowed his friendship for the Allies, and had been a radical 
democrat and pacifist. 

It is now universally admitted that had the Allies not unnecessarily 
opposed^umiliated, deceived and driven into despair the decent and 
orderly K&rolyi Government, not to speak of having given it some 
weil-deserved encouragement, most of the chaos, bloodshed, and 
suffering still prevailing in Eastern Europe could have been avoided 
and Bolshevism would never have come to power in Hungary. (We 
refer, for instance, to Prof. Philip Marshall Brown^s iUuminating 
article in the magazine section of the New York Times for July 27, 
1919. Prof. Brown had been one of our experts to the peace com- 
mission.) 

On November 7, 1918, Count Michael Kdrolyi,, with a staff of 
experts, went to Belgrade to conclude an armistice with the French 

feneral Franchet d'Esperey, commander of the allied forces in the 
)ast. The general treated Kirolyi, the head of a noble nation, as 
no gentleman would think of treatmg a servant; he told him he held 
the fate of Hungary in the hollow of his hand and could destroy her 
hy turning her neighbors loose on her (which he subsequently did): 
and replied to K&rolyi's request to facilitate the importation of coal 
in order to keep Uie mills running with these historic words: 

*'What the h — ^1 do you want coal for? A 100 years ago you used 
windmills. Why can not you get along with them now V^ 

The armistice dictated by Gen. Franchet imposed very heavy obli- 
gation of an economic kind on Hungary. A very considerable part 
of her military supplies, rolling stock, river boats, and live stock was 
to be handed over to the AlOes. The Hungarian Army was to be 
reduced to five divisions of infantry and one division of cavalry. 
The teiTitory south of the line of demarcation (which ran, roughly 
speaking, along the River Maros and continued southwestward 
on an artificial line across the Tisza and the Danube to the river 
Drave), viz., one-third of Hungary, was to be opai to occupation 
by the allied or associated armies. The occupation was to be tem- 
porary, and the territorial questions were to be settled finally by the 
peace conference. 

There was only one provision in the armistice not unfavorable to 
Hungary, and that was to the effect that the civil administration, 
even of the occupied territories, should remain in the hands of the 
Hungarian Government, thus assuring the continuance of the cen- 
tralized system for the distribution of food, coal, and other necessaries 
of life. It is of importance to note that at that time Hungary had 
enough food to last until the next harvest; in fact, she had a little 
surplus which she was willing to give to Vienna or Prague in exchange 
of certain manufactures and coal. 



TBBAT7 OF FEACB WITH GERMAmT. 949 

Althougii the Hungaiians havo speedily fulfilled their obligations, 
this provision of the armistice has been violated by the Allies and 
their associates from the very first, which is the principal cause of all 
the famine, idleness, and anarchy in Hungary. 

The western part of the territory laid open to occupation was 
invaded in November by the Serbian armjr, which was followed in 
the eastern part by the Rumanian army in December. The Ru- 
manians were somewhat late, because at the conclusion of the 
armistice thej had hardly any army worth speaking of. Their first 
soldiers arriving in Hungary were very badly equipped, many of them 
wearing straw hats in December and low moccasms instead of shoes 
or boots. But they were not bashful at all about helping themselves 
to the military stores in Hungary, and soon looked spick and span. 

The first thmg the occupying armies did was to annex the occupied 
territories, remove all the Hungarian officials who refused to take the 
oath of allegiance to the ruler of the invaders, denationaUze the Hun- 
garian schools, and discharge the Hungarian professors and teachers 
who could or would not teach in the language of the invaders. 
Exactly the same procedure was followed later by the Czechs, who, 
under the pretext of ''occupying strategically important points," 
overran and formally annexed northern Hungary. Of course, all this 
was contrary not only to the law of nations, but also to the specific 
provisions of the armistice; nevertheless, the Allies approved of it 
and paid no attention to K^olyi's frantic notes of protest. 

But the Roimianians were not satisfied with occupying and annex- 
ing those parts of Himgary which lie south of the line of demarcation. 
Having made sure of it that Hungary had disarmed herself, they 
trans^essed the line of demarcation and gradually advanced to the 
river Tisza, getting what they styled the ''imperium, '' or sovereignty, 
over all the coveted Himgarian territory except two counties in the 
south held by the Serbians. This disgraceful war on a disarmed 
country during a period of armistice is without a parallel in modern 
history; it was illegal, dishonorable, and cowardly. Yet the Allies 
approved of it, made Karolyi's position more and more untenable, 
and finally drove what was left of Hungary into the arms of Bolshe- 
vism, which could have been easily averted by the application of a 
little horse sense, not to speak of justice and humanity. 

Two of the many authentic reports of incidents illustrative of the 
Roumanian idea of government and the rights of racial minorities 
are given here. 

A few days after last Christmas an Hungarian captain walked 
with his wife on the main street of Kolozsvar, the capital of Transyl- 
vania, which is a purely Hungarian city, rich in historical associations 
dear to every Hungarian, ana is, by the way, a good distance beyond 
the line of demarcation. A Roumanian patrol was passing by, and 
the lady observed to her husband in Hungarian that yesterday she 
had seen these same fellows, who were wearing new Himgarian 
uniforms and boots, in ragged clothes and worn-out moccasins, 
whereupon the soldier in charge of the patrol, who had overheard 
the remark, placed the captain and his wife under arrest and marched 
them off to headquarters. There the lady and her husband were 
stripped by soldiers, and 25 strokes of the birch were administered 
on their bare bodies. 



950 ^CBBATT OF PBACB WITH QEBHANY. 

This was reported with full names and other data to Prof. Coolidge, 
of Harvard University, who, as an expert attached to the American 

feace commission, spent a few day!"* in Budapest in January last, 
t was further reported to him that the Serbians had also introduced 
flogging as a punishment in those regions of Hungary which were 
occupied by them. 

The other incident is reported in a letter from a professor of the 
University of Kolozsvar to the editor of the London Nation and 
published among the editorials of that periodical on July 12, 1919. 
It reads: 

On May 10 the Roumanians, rpplying on military force, declared our university to 
be the property of the Roumanian State, and invited our profeesors to take the oath of 
fidelity to Roumania and itd Kin^;. Relying on international law we unanimously 
refused to commit such an act of treason to the fatherland. Thereupon, 48 hou»fl 
after the dispatch of their demand, our university was surrounded, during lesson time, 
by armed forces. The professors were expelled from their chairs, our laboratory 
equipment was seized, and nearly 2,500 students were dispersed by the immediate 
suspension of our university life. Furthermore, the assistant professors and staff 
were forced, on pain of immediate expuHon, to remain in their places and continue 
their clinical work under the control of their old students of Roumanian nationality. 

It is needless to add that all this is contrary to international law. JX is enough to 
renind you that, according to the fundamental principles of international law, every 
military occupation previous to the conclusion of peace is merely temporary, and has 
no judicial conseiuencea. Furthermore, article 75 of the Hague Convention ex- 
pressly forbids any citizens of occupied territory from being invited or forced to take 
the oath of alleTfiance to the conquering power, while article 56 provides thai the 
propertv of schools and scientific institutes, even if they belong to the State, must 
be considered to be private property. 

The Czechs are reparted to have acted in the same way toward 
the Universities of Pozsony and Eassa, two large, important and 
historically prominent Hungarian cities, in which the Slovaks form 
only an insignificant part of the population. 

K6rolyi was an extreme pacifist who was opposed to armed re- 
sistance, taking the ground that the occupation of Hungary was 
only temporary and the Allies would in the end right the wrong. 
B61a Kun thought differently and organized a '*red" army — ^whether 
in excess of the six divisions allowed in the armistice or not, we do 
not know — ^with which he tried to regain some of the territory 
illegally taken away from Hungary during the armistice. He ap- 

Eears to have been successful against the Czechs, nevertheless ceased 
is attacks when so ordered by the Allies. When his government in 
Budapest was finally overthrown the *^red" army collapsed, and 
the Koumanian army, standing on the eastern bank of the Tisza 
near Szolnok, viz., several hundred miles beyond the line of demarca- 
tion, crossed that river, marched on Budapest and even crossed the 
Danube into western Hungary. It was one of those easy Roumanian 
'* conquests," for there was no armed force to resist them, and, as 
has been reported, they made most unscrupulous use of their oppor- 
tunities. 

This outrage incensed even the supreme council in Paris, which is 
perhaps beginning to see that the sp^rt with disarmed Himgary had 
been carried too far. But Roumania, which at first was the ally of 
Austria-Hungary, then wont over to the Allies, then made a separate 
peace with the Central Powers, and at the conclusion of the armistice 
was a humblo supplicant before the Allies, snaps her fingers at them 
now that she has plenty of food and a largo army in the field with 
nobody to oppose it. 



TBEATY OF FEACB WITH GERMAmT. 951 

Thoro matters now stand. Hnngaiy is still blockaded, she is cut 
off fn)m all communication with tho outside world, famine and idle- 
ness still continue in a naturally rich country, and whatever is left 
thore the Roumanians are taking away by force. 

In judging the case of Huagarv care should be taken not to con- 
f t>und it with that of Austria. 'The Empire of Austria, which has 
never lawfully included the Kingdom of Himgary, came into existence 
only in 1804, and was a conglomeration of former kingdoms, prin- 
cipaliti3s, and duchies, or parts of them, added by the Hapsburgs to 
the original Archduchies of Lower and Upper Austria through con- 
quest, marriage, or fraud. Austria has never been a nation, has never 
liad a language of her own, and is now being dissolved into her con- 
stituent parts, or into groups of such parts, which can hardly be 
objected to on historical grounds. 

Hungary, on the other hand, has been a homegeneous country 
practically within her present boundaries for more than a millen- 
nium, has had a distinct language of her own, and can not be dis- 
solved into her constituent parts, because she has no constituent 
parts, except Croatia which had been a separate crownland of 
Hungary with a high degree of national autonomy or home rule. 
This, however, did not satisfy the Croatians whose aspirations 
were for complete independence which was freely granted them 
by the recent K&rolyi Government. Hungary prover (viz, Hungary 
without Croatia) can thus be only dismembered or partitioned 
even as Poland had been partitioned in the eighteenth century. 

Reference to "the Maramouresh," "the Krishana*' (this 
name is unintelligible to Hungarians), Transylvania, "the Banat," 
or "the Bachka" are apt to mislead the uninitiated into the belief 
that these terms denote separate provinces of Hungary, whereas 
these regions are integral parts of Hungary and, with the exception 
of the first and last namea, which are two Hungarian counties, they 
form not even separate administrative imits. 

The basin of the middle Danube, encircled by the Carpathian 
Mountains, had been the tramping ffroimd of a multitude of races — 
Celts, Teutons, Dacians, Goths, Slavs, Huns, Avars — during the 
great migration of nations. None of these races, not even the 
Koman, succeeded in establishing a permanent government in that 
resjion which nature itself has cut out to form one country. It was 
left to the Hungarians, or Magyars, who under their leader Arpdd 
conquered that country toward, the end of the ninth century, to 
rear there a solid fabric of government which has withstood all 
vicissitudes of fortune for a thousand years. 

"The Hungarian constitution," to quote the words of the greatest 
English authority on Hungary, the Hon. C. M. KnatchbuU-Hugessen, 
"which has been obscured at intervals, violated at times, and sus- 
pended for a period, only to prove its indestructibility, is the product 
of no charter or fundamental statute, but is the result of a slow process 
of development, of a combination of statute and customary law 
which finds its nearest parallel in Great Britain. It is remarkable 
that two such different laces should have proceeded on such similar 
lines as the Anglo-Saxon and the Asiatic people, which, both as 
regards language and primitive institutions, introduced an enti- ely 
new element into Europe. The four blows with the sword directed 
at his coronation, to the four cardinal points, by every Hungarian 



952 TEUfiATt <)F PtAice WltH 6£!R»CA17T. 

King down to Francis Joseph are an emblem and a recognition of the 
fact that the Magyar people has had to maintain itseS by force of 
arms against the imceasing attacks of alien neighbors; and the fact 
that a tow thousand wanderers from Asia were able to preserve their 
individuality and institutions in the midst of an ocean of Slavs, 
Germans, and Turks, and obtained comparatively quickly a position 
of ewquality with members of the European family, argues the pos- 
session of exceptional military and political qualities, of exceptional 
cohesiveness, of a stoical capacity for endurance, and of a rooted con- 
fidence in themselves and in their future which no vicissitudes of 
fortune have been able to destroy. The alien jargon first heard by 
European ears twelve hundred years ago has mamtained its exist- 
ence in spite of the competition of German and Slav dialects, of 
deliberate discouragement and temporary n^lect, and has devel- 
oped into a language which, for fullness and expressiveness, for the 
purpose of science as well as of poetry, is the equal if not the supmor 
of tne majority of European tongues." 

St. Stephen (907-1038) was tne first ruler of Hungary to be con- 
verted to Christianity, and, having to choose between Byzance and 
Rome, he wiselv chose the latter, thereby saving his people from 
absorption by the Slavs and his country from sinlang to the level of 
the Balkan States. 

In 1222 the Hungarian Diet wrung from a weak king the Bulla 
Aurea, or Golden Bull, which — in close resemblance to the Magna 
Charta of England, which preceded it only by a few years — is a 
fundamental charter of Hungarian liberty and one of the proofs of 
the great political capacity of the Hungarian race. 

Alter the extinction of the male line of the house of Arp6d (1308) 
the country was ruled for 200 years by kings from various dynasties, 
among whom Louis, the An^evine, surnamed the Great, whose 
dominion extended from the lHack Sea to the Baltic, and Matthias 
Corvinus, surnamed the Just, son of John Hunyady, the Turk- 
beater, were the most noteworthy. 

The fight against the growing power of the Ottoman Empire had 
begun, and the lion's snare of defending Christianity against the 
onslaught of Moslemism fell to Hungary. It retarded her own pro- 
gress, but facilitated the development of civilization in the West of 
Europe. In 1526, after the fateful battle of Moh&cs, the country 
was divided into three parts, to be reunited only after the final 
expulsion of the Turks at the beginning of the Eighteenth century. 
One-third of the country fell under the sway of the Turks, Transyl- 
vania (southeastern Hungary) was ruled by Hungarian princes, and 
the rest was under the rule of the Hapsburgs. 

Until 1867 the poUcy of the Hapsburgs had been twofold: To 
Germanize and Romanize Hungary, and, acting on their motto divide 
ut imperes, to play ofif one race against the other. In the latter they 
succeeded only too well, but their other efforts failed against the 
indomitable spirit of the Hungarians in defending their nationality 
and religious freedom. There is only one absorbent civilization in 
Hungary, the Hungarian, and, while more than one-haK of the people 
belong to the Catholic Church, Hungary is still the easternmost bul- 
wark of Protestaatism. The uprisings in the Seventeenth and 
Eighteenth centuries, led bv Bocskay, Bethlen, and R6k6czi, were 
made just as much in the d.efense of religious hberty as of national 
independence. / 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMAKT. 953 

Senator Brandeoee. In your brief there is a map labeled ''Map 
of Hungarjr." 

Mr. ftvANY. Yes. 

Seiftttor Brandeoee. What does the central white part of it 
refer to ? 

Mr. PivXny. That is the little part which it is proposed to leave to 
Hungary — only 20 per cent of the country. 

Senator Brandeoee. That is what I supposed. It is not labeled 
on the map. 

Mr. PiVANY. No. In 1848 the Hungarians rose again against the 
autocracy of the Hapsbxu'gs, under the leadership of Louis Kossuth, 
the champion of Em*opean democracy. The interest of the American 

?eople in the gallant struggle of Hungary was so great that President 
'aylor, in June, 1849, sent a ''special and coimdential agent" to 
Hungary in the person of Ambrose Dudley Mann, of Virginia, who, 
however, arrivea too late, for Eussia, the greatest military power of 
the age, had intervened in favor of the Hapsbm-gs, with Great Britain 
and France looking on without a word of protest. (See Mann's 
report in Appendix A.) 

In 1851 Kossuth, who had been freed from internment mainly 
through the efforts of Daniel Webster, was invited to the United 
States as the guest of the Nation, and met with an enthusiastic recep- 
tion, to which only that given to Lafeyette may be compared. His 
tour of the United States failed in its principal object of securing 
American support for the next uprising'of the Hungarians, and is 
now remarkable mainly for the fact that he was the first to advocate 
in America the very principles which President Wilson had been 
propounding, viz, the right of self-determination, a league of nations 
to protect it, the partaking of America in the affairs of tne Old World, 
and the abolition of secret diplomacy as the root of all international 
intrigue. 

In 1859 Kossuth arrived at an imderstanding with Cavour and 
Napoleon III to carry the Austro-Italian war into Hunffary, where- 
upon the Hungarians would rise again to expel the HapsDur^. But 
Napoleon, netting frightened by nis own success, broke his word, 
ana concluded the premature peace of Villa Franca, thereby shatter- 
ing all hopes of the Hungarians. 

Having been forsaken by the western powers three times, in 1849, 
1852, and 1859, is it to be wondered at that Hungarv finally con- 
sented to the compromise of 1867 with Austria and the Hapsburgs 
which restored — at least on paper — ^her constitution? 

Hungary's unfortunate connection with the Hapburgs forced upon 
her by the attitude of the western powers and the threatening 
Russian peril, led inevitably to the alliance with Germany. That 
the Russian or Slavic peril to Hungary was not imaginary nas been 
proved by recent events. 

In the condemnation of Hungary for having entered the German 
alliance these facts must not be lost sight of. It shoidd also not biB 
forgotten that under the political arrangement between Austria and 
Hungary, known as dualism, Himgary had no control of her foreign 
policy and of her army. 

Of the four claimants to Hungarian territory two, viz, Serbia and 
German Austria, have — as far as it is known to us — ^not based their 
claims on historical grounds. 



954 TREATY OF PKACfi WITH GERMANY. 

The Bohemians, or Czechs, have made some allusion to tho semi; 
mythical Moravian Empire of Svatpoluk, which is alleged to have 
extended over parts of northern Hungary and been disrupted by the 
incursion of the Hungarians in the ninth century. The SlovaKS, it 
is alleged, are the descendants of Svatopluk's Moravians. 

The Rumanians have advanced a more definite claim to priority of 
occupation in the theory of their descent from the Daco-Romans 
who nad lived in Transylvania before the miOTation of the nations. 

Both of these theories have been proved by nistorioal reasearch to 
be false. But even if they were not false,, the prin?iple of priority df 
occupation has never been defined in the law oi nations. How many 
years of occupation is required to establish a valid title to a country ? 
One hundred years, or 500 years, or more? If occupation for a 
thousand years is not acknowledged to be a valid title to a country, 
then we may be called upon some day to relinquish our title to Texas, 
and California, and other parts of the United States in favor of 
Mexico, or Spain, or the Indians, and the whole map of Europe may 
have to be made over, too. And it is certainly the height of absurdity 
to go back for a title to a country to a period before the migration of 
the nations even if the continuity of tne race dispossessed stamped 
their civilization on the whole country. 

Senator Brandeoee. Is there a pretender or claimant to the King- 
dom of Hungary ? 

Mr. PivANY. No, sir; there is not. According to the Hungarian 
constitution, if the Hapsburgs become extinct, then the right of 
electing another king goes back to the nation. 

Senator Brandeoee. There was a king of Hungary before Austria 
absorbed it, was there not ? 

Mr. Pivany. Yes; there were native Hungarian kings up to 1526. 

Senator Brandeoee. Is there any descendant of those who claims 
the right to be king ? 

Mr. Pivany. No; they have all become extinct. 

Now, coming to the racial or ethnographical aspect of the case, I do 
not wish to trouble the committee with figures. I beg, however, to 
refer the committee to the statistical table which is attached to the 
brief, and a glance at it will show these two things: First, that in all 
the regions which it is proposed to wrest from Hungary that par- 
ticular race in whose favor that region is claimed is in the minority. 
That is the first. But the second fact is this, that by the proposed 
dismemberment of Hungary more than one-half of the Hungarian 
race, the principal race which is in a majority in the country at large, 
would get outside of the new Hungarian Government and would have 
to Uve under foreign governments. Now, to say that such a settle- 
ment is based on the self-determination of races or nations I claim is 
sheer humbug. It is impossible to call that the exercise of the right 
of self-determination, where the dominant race is being split into four 
or five parts and only the minority of that race is to remain under 
the old government. 

Senator Knox. If I understand this map here, this shaded portion 
represents Hungary as it was. 

Mr. Pivany. As it was without Croatia — Hungary proper. 

Senator Knox. Before they began to trifle with nor anatomy. 

Mr. Pivany. Yes. 



TBEATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMAKY. 955 

Senator BBANDEaEE. You say that this settlement in the case of 
Hungary is not based upon seH-determination, and that the claim 
that it is is a humbug. 

Mr. PiVANY. Yes. 

Senator Brandegee. Have you looked through the treaty as to 
other settlements ? 

Mr. PiVANY. The treaty has not been published yet. 

Senator Brandegee. Oh, yes; it has. 

Senator Knox. You mean the Austrian treaty ? 

Senator Brandegee. No; the treaty of Versailles. Have you 
looked through the treaty of Versailles ? 

Mr. PiVANY. Yes; I believe in the treaty with Germany there is 
really a small limitation of Germany rights by the boundaries of the 
Central Powers which are to be settled. 

Senator Brandegee. But so far as you are able to judge, has the 
principle of self-determination been the rule adopted in the German 
peace treaty? 

The Chairman. Do you mean the Austrian peace treaty ? 

Senator Brandegee. No; the treaty of Versailles, the allied powers 
with Germany. 

Mr. PiVANY. I believe as a whole it is because I want to point out 
this fact: Germany is going to be deprived of only 10 per cent of 
her continental territory, and that 10 per cent consists of recent 
conquests, or comparatively recent conquests, territories with over- 
whelming non-German population, whue in Hungary they want 
to take away not 10 per cent but 80 per cent of the country, and ail 
her territory has been in the possession of Hungary for a thousand 
years. Is Hungary, which played a subordinate part in the great 
world drama, to be punished eight times as severely as Germany, 
which was the leading actor and manager? Is there any justice m 
that settlement ? 

Senator Brandegee. Do you think there is any justice in giving 
Shantung to Japan ? 

Mr. PiVANY. 1 do not believe so, Senator. 

Senator Brandegee. I was getting your idea of what self-determi- 
nation is; that is all. 

Mr. PiVANY. I believe, Senktor, that self-determination can be 
exercised only through plebiscites. Now, all the claimants to Hun- 
garian territory are strongly opposed to plebiscites. What does that 
mean ? That means that they know the weakness of their own case. 

Senator Brand '^.gee. You speak of the Magyars. What is the 
blood and stock of the Magyars ? 

Mr. PiVANY. It is a non-Aryan race. It belongs neither to the 
Teutonic nor the Latin nor the vSlavonic root of races. There are four 
races and the Magyars, I should say, destined to form a buffer state 
between those three races. 

Senator Brandegee. I do not want their destination, but their 
origin. 

Mr. PiVANY. Their origin is from a non-Aryan stock. 

Senator Brandegee. What are they; what stock? Are they an 
Indo-European race? . ^ 

Mr. PiVANY. They belong to the Finn-^gWan root of races. In I \ 
Europe the Finns are their linguistic kindred. 



956 IBBATY OF PEACE WITH GERMAJSY. 

Senator Bbandegee. Are they related to the Mongolian race, or 
Tartars ? 

Mr. PiVANT. I doubt it. 

Senator Brandegee. Or the Turkish ? 

Mr. PiVANT. To the Turkish they may be. The Turkish is the 
southern branch of that race of which the Hungarian is the northern 
branch of the big group of races. 

Senator Bbandegee. Very good. I beg your pardon for inter- 
rupting^ 

Mr. rrv^ANT, I am pleased to answer your questions. I wish to 
point out that in an attempt to justify the partition of Hungary the 
argument has been advanced that the minor races or, rather, some 
of the minor races of Hungary have to be liberated from oppression 
by the Himgarians. The charge of racial oppression by the Hun- 
garians is not borne out by the fact, for whatever oppression there 
has been in Himgary has been on class lines, and not on racial lines. 
The masses of the Hungarians or Magyars had to suffer from it just 
as much as had the masses of the non-Magyars ; and whosoever man- 
aged to rise above the masses belonged to the ruling classes without 
regard to race or creed. 

The attitude of the Hungarian Government toward the non- 
Magyars (who are immigrants or the descendants of immigrants) 
had been the same as that of our own Gk)vernment toward the non- 
English-speaking immigrants: Perfect equality before the law, but 
no recognition as raciaigroups or States within the State. What is 
right .if done by the American Government in America surely can 
not be wrong if done by the Hungarian Government in Hungary. 

As a matter of fact, the Hungarian Government had gone a ^eat 
deal further in its liberalism, for it granted considerable subsidies 
for the maintenance of the ecclesiastical and educational establish- 
ments of the non-Magyar races. There were thousands of schools, 
in which the language of instruction was other than Hungarian, it 
being stipulated only that the Hungarian language be also taught as 
a subject of instruction three hours a week. 

I will not read the figures now. I have them in the brief. 

Senator Knox. Do you really think that it is necessary to do more 
than to refer to your points that are sustained by your brief? Of 
course, we wiQ read yoiu* brief, read it carefully. The ordinary rule 
in the presentation of a case in court is by verbal argument to point 
out the main point of the brief and not read the brief. This seems 
to be pretty long. I only make the suggestion that perhaps you 
might condense your points, as a guide to the proper reading of the 
brief. 

Mr. PiVANY. Yes. I want to point out as one of the important 
points that even if the charge of racial oppression were true, as it is 
not, the principle that immigrants have the right to invoke the 
assistance of the country whence they have immigrated against their 
country of adoption, would hardly be recognized by our Government. 
On that principle, the Germans of Missouri and Wisconsin, in which 
States thev were and perhaps still are in the majority, if that prin- 
ciple should be invoked, they could appeal to the Kaiser himself for 
the annexation of those States to Germany, or at least for their 
liberation from American rule. 



TREATY OP PEACE WITH GERMAST. 957 

I wanted to point out further that Hungary had been the. eastern- 
most bulwark of Protestantism. East and south of Hungary there 
is no Protestantism, and very little of Roman CathoHoism. Now/ 
it is well known that in Roumnaia and Serbia the Greek Orthodox 
Church is the State church, which is a very intolerant church, and 
creed and race grow there together. The CathoUcs have a wonderful* 
organization which is able to protect them to a certain extent, but 
the Protestant churches are national organizations and the partition 
of Hungary wo^d disrurt this nationcQ organization and condenon 
them to practical extinction. 

As to the economical aspect, T want to say that the little part of 
Hungary which is to be left to Hungary is absolutely unable to exist 
by itsoli, because it is a purely agricultural part, a part of a great 

Slain. The diflferenb regions of Hungary are commercially in ter- 
ependent. Separately they can not exist; together they form a 
fine, self-supporting organism. 

As to the poUtical or international aspect of the case, I wish to 
emphasize this, that the value of the settlement which is • to bo 
arrived at in Paris depends on this: Will it readjust the affairs of 
eastern Europe so as to improve them or not. If they are not 
improved, of course the settlement would not be of value, and would 
be a permanent menace to peace. We claim that the Hungarian 
race, the Magyar race, is the only one which is able to estamish a 
permanent government in that part of Europe. We claim that that. 
race has shown its quality, its ntness, its great capacity to rule that 
part of the world, and that the other new States are at best only 
trials. We do not know whether they will be able to do their patt 
or not. 

So I beg to present now the conclusions. 

1. Hungary has existed as a State and nation for over a thousand 
years, in a territory where no other race had been able to establish 
and maintain a permanent poUtical organization. Surely, possesision 
of such length and the demonstration of such political capacity ought 
to secure a clear and indisputable title. 

2. No other country has any claim on any part of Hungary that 
could be based on **historical rights." 

3. The distribution of the various races in Hungary positively 
prevents any territorial readjustment, by which more homogeneous 
conditions could be created than existed till now. 

4. Hungary has always been the land of religious liberty and toler- 
ance. Roumanian and Serbian rule over large parts of Hungary would 
disrupt the Hungarian Protestant churches and threaten Protestant- 
ism with extinction in the east of Europe. 

5. Hungary is a natural geographic and hydrographic unit, to dis- 
turb which could not possibly help in stabilizing conditions. 

6. Hungary is also a most distinct economic imit, all parts being 
interdependent. Separately they can not exist, together they are a 
self-supporting organism. 

7. Not only would the cause of peace not be promoted by the par- 
tition of Hungary, but a new Balkan, or Macedonia, would be created 
right in the heart of Europe and become the source of permanent 
strife and complications. 

8. Should the foregoing facts and circumstances be considered as 
of unsufficient force and importance to bar the claims of neighboring 



958 TREATY OF PEACE WITH QER2CAKY. 

nations, it certainly ought not to be permitted to have any part of 
Hungary placed under a new soverei^ty without giving the peoples 
of such parts an opportunity to exercise the right of sefi-determma- 
tion by plebiscites under fair conditions. 

9. Hungary ought not to be dismembered in punishment, because 
this would not be warranted by Hungary's acts, and deeds before 
and during the war. Not onlv was she not able to keep out of the 
war, but developments since the armistice justified Hungary's claim, 
that her existence had been in constant peril. 

Senator PoidtEBENE. Why was she not able to keep out of the 
war? 

Mr. PivANY. Because she was forced into the connection with the 
Hapsburgs and thus into the German alliance. It was not possible 
for ner to- keep out of the war. 

I have explained before that they have tried to get rid of the 
Hapsburgs several times, from 1849 to 1859, in three cases, and in 
every instance Hungarv was forsaken by the western powers so we 
believe that the HapsDurg government was practically forced on 
Hungary by the attitude of the western powers. 

The Chairman. The population of Himgary is about half Protes- 
tant, is it not i 

Mn PiVANY. No; out of a population of some 18,000,000 a little 
more than 4,000,000 are Protestant. Hungary has the largest unit 
of the Calvanistic or the Presbyterian church of any coimtry in the 
world. There are more Presbyterians there than here. 

Senator Brandegee. What is the religious belief of the other 
14,000,000 out of the 18,000,000? If only 4,000,000 are Protestant, 
what are the other 14,000,0000 ? 

Mr. PiVANY. About one-half of them are Roman and Greek 
Catholic, and I beheve there must be over half a million of Hebrews, 
and the rest belong to the Greek Orthodox Church, mostly Rou- 
manians and Serbians. 

Senator Brandegee. Are there no Mohammedans there at all ? 

Mr. PiVANY. Not worth taking into account. In Bosnia and 
Herzegovina there are large numbers of Mohanomedans. 

The Chairman. My question generally related to the Slav popu- 
lation when I asked you about the condition. I was speaking of 
the pure Hungarians, that you call Magyars. About half of those 
are Protestant, are they not ? 

Mr. PiVANY. Yes; in fact, the Presbyterian Church in Hungary 
and the Unitarian Church consist almost exclusively of Magyars, 
and the Unitarian Church, which is the mother of the Unitarian 
Church in Europe, and has had a close connection with the English 
and American churches for centuries, would lose all her congregations, 
except where the Magyars have retained control. But throughout 
all the territories claimed by Roumania that church would simply 
cease to exist. They would not allow that church to exist. We leel 
that Hungary can be saved from destruction only by America, as the 
United States is the only powerful country which has not been a 

6 arty to the immoral secret treaties upon which the claimants of 
[ungarian territory are pressing their claims. 

In voicing our protest, therefore, against the proposed partition 
of Hungary as contrary to the demands of justice and incompatible 
with the requirements of a just and lasting peace we respectfully 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMAKT. 959 

ask the Senate of the United States to refuse to have our country 
become a party to the annihilation of a civilized nation. 

Senator Knox. Let me ask you a question. You speak of these 
various territories as being claimed by the French, by Roumaniaj 
and by Serbia. 

Mr. PivANY. Yes. 

Senator Knox. What do you mean by ''claimed" ? 

Afr. PivANY. They have advanced these claims at Paris. 
. Senator Knox. Have you any indication that they have been 
allowed as claims ? 

Mr. Pivany. We have two indications — first, newspaper reports, 
and, second, that the Allies have allowed the invaders to go into that 
territory. 

Senator Knox. What I want to get at is, how accurate is this map 
likely to be, in view of the Austrian treaty; whether these claims 
have been so far conceded that you are pretty sure they are going 
to be allowed. 

Mr. Pivany. We know what each of the races wanted, and we 
know pretty well what they did not get. Now, I do not believe there 
is any exaggeration in this at all, because the Roumanians really 
want to get down to this river Tisza. In fact, they have gojie there 
and have gone over there. 

Senator. Knox. Still, this will be subject to verification by the 
treaty. 

Mr. Pivany. Yes: of course this is not final. This is merely an 
attempt to show it graphically. 

Senator Knox. Oi course this question is not involved in the 
German treaty. 

Mr. Pivany. This question is not involved in the German treatv, 
except that there is an allusion that Germany acknowledges all tfio 
boundaries as they shall be set in the futm*e. 

Senator Knox. She agrees to be bound by whatever they do ? 

Mr. PivAny. Yes. 

Senator Brandegee. Have you any information about what is 
contained in the treaty between the Allies and Austria? 

Mr. Pivany. We have only what has been published in the news- 

Eapers. On the map you can see this little part here south of the 
Danube in western Hungary which has been demanded by Czecho- 
slovakia. I understand from the newspapers reports that little part 
has been awarded to Austria and not to Czecho-SIovakia. Of course 
that is unofficial. We do not know. , All we have is what is contained 
in the newspaper reports. 

Senator Brandeoee. Your organization is called the Hungarian- 
American Federation? 

Mr. Pivany. Yes. 

Senator Brandegee. Are you in communication with the people 
in Hungary ? 

Mr. rivANY. At present I am not, but I have been in Hungary as a 
newspaper correspondent, from September, 1916, to the end of 
January of this year; so I was there during the first revolution, 
during the greater part of the war, and during the armistice. 

Senator Brandegee. As such newspaper correspondent did you 
come into personal touch with prominent men in the Grovemment of 
Hungary ? 



960; TltE^TY OF PEACE WITH GERMANY. 

, Mr. PiTANY. Yes; I did with practically all excepting, of course, 
the Bolsheviki. They were unknown people in my time there. 

• Senator Bbanbeoee. When I asked if **you" were in communica- 
tion I meant, if your organization was in communication ? Do they 
receive communications from the people of Hungary ? 

Mr. Pivany. No; our organization does not. Our organization 
is purely an American organization, started 12 years ago. 

Senator Brandegee. I did not mean to intimate that it was not 
an American organization, but being the Hungarian-American Fedr 
eration, I did not know but you had letters from people in Hungary 
so that you would know what their attitude has been upon public 
questions. 

Mr. Pivany. Before the war we could get letters, but postal com- 
munication has not been reopened with Hungary. That is one of 
our complaints to the State Department; but we do get newspapers 
from there. 

Senator Brandegee. That is what I was going to ask you. 

• Mr. Pivany. And also we sometimes get letters through neutral 
countries, not to our organization, but to us as individuals. 

Senator Brandegee. Inasmuch as we get no information at all as 
to what is in the proposed treaty between the Allies and Austria and 
Hungary, we are compelled to rely upon newspaper reports, just as 
you are. 

Mr. Pivany. Yes. 

Senator Brandegee. I wondered if you knew' whether the views 
represented in your brief and in your statement before us were the 
views of the great majority of the Magyar people in Hungary. 

Mr. Pivany. Yes; I am absolutely sure of that, because I know 
their history, I know their sentiments, and I was there during the first 
part of the armistice. 

Senator Brandegee. Does your presentation of the matter here 
represent simply your personal views as a newspaper correspondent 
over there, or are there other people in the Hungarian-Ainerican 
Federation who know about Hungarian affairs ? 

Mr. Pivany. Yes; our president, Mr. Henry JBaracs, is right here. 
In fact, he collaborated with me in making up this statement. 

Senator Brandegee. What do you mean in the last statement you 
made: 

'*We feel that Hungary can be saved from destruction only by 
America, as the United States are the only powerful country who have 
not been a party to the immoral secret treaties upon which the claim- 
ants of Hungarian territory are pressing their claims. " 

To what secret treaties do your refer? 

Mr. Pivany. One secret treaty between the quadruple entente- 



that is France, Great Britain, Italy and Russia, and Roumania, con- 
cluded sometime in August, 1916. The secret treaty between Rou- 
mania and the Entente has been published, I believe, by the Lenine 
government in Russia, found among the archives of Russia, arid the 
essence of that treaty was that the Allies tried to induce Roumania, 
which was an ally of Austria-Hungary, to break her contract with 
Austria-Hungary, to throw the treaty away as a mere scrap of paper; 
and in return for that they promised to Roumania big slices of 
Hungarian territory. They promised things that did not belong to 
her. Roumania held back for a long time, and when she thought 



TBBAXT OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY. 961 

that Hungiar^ had become exhausted, and there was a big victory of 
the Riissians in June, 1916, then she entered into agreements with the 
Entente and in August, 1916, invaded the country. 

Senator Brandeqee. Are there other secret treaties than that, 
which you have in mind ? 

Mr. rrvANY. I do not know. There must be some treaty between 
Serbia and the Entente and there must be some treaty between 
Czechoslovakia and the Entente, but the text of those treaties has 
not, to my knowledge, been published; but as I understand our 
country is not a party to the secret treaties and is not bound by them. 

Senator Brandegee. There is no way of knowing how many 
secret treaties there may be between these nations, is there? 

Mr. PiVANY. No, sir; I could not tell. 

Senator Pomerene. Have you had any communication with the 
Magyars who are now in Siberia ? 

Mr. PivANY. We get letters from them. 

Senator Pomerene. What is their attitude with respect to this 
matter ? 

Mr. PiVANY. They have only one thin^ in mind. They want to get 
away from there, because thev are starvmg, they are dying from dis- 
ease and from hunger, and they have no clothing, no soap, and no 
medical supplies. We have applied to the State Department to help 
them and to the American Red Cross to help them. We wanted to 
send money and supplies to them. The American Red Cross an- 
swered that they could not do anything and the State Department 
answered the same. Then we asked the Danish Legation m Wash- 
ington whether they would transmit our remittances to them, and 
the Danish Legation do transmit our remittances to the Hungarian 
prisoners of war. We received an order from the Post Office Depart- 
ment just a few days go permitting the sending of parcels to Vladi- 
vostok, where the American mail ends. Beyond Vladivostok there 
is no American mail, but the mails from there are being forwarded 
by the Danish consular agent. 

STATEMENT OF DE. BELA SEKELT. 

Dr. Sekely. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I 
appear on behalf of the Hungarian-American Press Association. I 
am not here to plead for new territories, for spoils of war, or conquest. 
I have come to ask of you justice, magnanimity, and fairness to a de- 
feated people. A Hungarian by birth, but an American by choice 
and by adoption, I ought to feel perhaps awed in the presence of the 
honorable body before which I am now pleading the cause of a mar- 
tyred and agonizing nation, but knowing your high sense of duty 
toward all mankind, I feel instead almost inspired ,to let thoughts 
and feelings run high and freely, so as to permit you to look down 
deep into a human heart that is filled with sorrow and despair over 
one of the greatest tragedies in the history of the world. 

For the past 1,000 years, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the com- 
mittee, Hungary has had the same frontiers. For the past 10 cen- 
turies Hungarv has been and still is a nation with a great destiny, 
the roots of which reach back to the very foundations of the State. 
In 896, the first years of Hungarian history in Europe, Prince Arpad 
solemnly promised for himself and his successors that they would 

136657—19 2 



962 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBllAJSTT, 

rule the country according to the advice and counsel of the chosen 
chieftains of the nation. At a time when all of eastern Europe was 
inhabited by half savage people, and when the rest of Europe was 
ruled by autocratic kings, the Hiuigarians, yet heathens, had organ- 
ized a corstitutional government which in 1222, only a few years 
after the English Magna Charta received its written guaranty in the 
document called bull d'or, and signed by King Andrew II. They 
remained not very long heathen, but in 1001 embraced Christianitv. 
Tlien Hungary began to play the double part she acted so honorably 
and often so dramaticallv in European history. She joined western 
civilization, and defended it against all attacks coming from the East. 
For 150 years she fought the Turks, preventing them at the cost of 
her own blood and flesh and liberty to conquer western Europe. 

Senator Knox. Let me ask you a question right here. Geo- 
graphically, what was Hungary a thousand years ago as compared 
witn this map which you have presented here ? 

Dr. Sekely. Practically it was the same geographically, and it 
could not have been otherwise, because, as you gentlemen know, 
Hungary is a geographical unit. It is the finest and most complete 
and most perfect geographical unit in Europe; It is bounded by the 
Carpathians, and on the south by rivers, and it is no mere chance 
that this country was preserved for a thousand years; but the 
valleys from the mountains go down to the center of the country, 
the rivers all flow to the Danube, and by its natural boundaries it 
was really predestined to be and to form a country. 

Senator Knox. The point I want to make is that it is substantially 
true, then, that the Hungary that is proposed to be dismembered is 
the same Hungary geographically that was established a thousand 
years ago ? 

Dr. Sekely. The same country. / 

Senator Knox. That is all I wanted to know. 

Dr. Sekely. And permit me, Senator, to give you this fuTther 
information, which is very important. Mr. riv6ny mentioned it, 
but I want to emphasize it, that at the time of the foundation of 
Hungary, of the races that now claim territory from its living body 
were only a very few of them present then. Neither Roumanians 
nor Serbians nor any other nationality was there. There were only a 
few Slovaks. The Roumanians and Serbians immigrated mostly 
during the Turkish invasion. They came from Turkey and were 
welcomed by Hungary. The Roumanians came into Hungary in 
the thirteenth century, and the Serbians also, and multiplied and 
increased afterwards. If they had been oppressed, how would it be 
possible that they are still Roumanians and Serbians ? In 700 or 800 
years an autocratic government would have annihilated them, but 
Hungary never' wanted anything else except that they should be 
Hunganan citizens and live their own lives otherwise. 

In this connection Michelet, the great French historian, paid a 

flowing tribute to the Hungarian people. In his *'Histoire de 
Vance,'' volume 8, page 346, in apologizing for not dealing more 
extensively with Hungaiy, he says as foUows in a footnote: 

. It is a rruel sacrifice not to ?ay anything here of the hero of Europe. I am speaking 
of the Hungarian people. Shall I die, then, always postponing to pay the debt history 
owes her? Yet infamous and lying compilations appear everywhere. The Hungarians 
are loath to answer them. When they do speak they speak to the whole world. I hope 
that our historiography will pay the debt of our hearts to this heroic people, which by 



XBEATY OF FEACB WITH GERMANY. 963 

its deeds, by its sufferings, and by its noble voice eleyates us and makes us sweater. 
It is generally accorded that the Hun(i;arian8 are a valiant people, but this valiance is 
simply the manifestation of a high defrree of morality. In everytiiing they do or say, 
I always hear "sursum corda." The whole nation is an aristocracy of valiance and 
dignity. 

But despite the unceasing wars with Turkey, Hungary has at- 
tained, in the fifteenth century, under the leadership of its national 
Kling Matthias Corvin, a high degree of culture and civilization. 
Scientists, writers, and artists from all oyer Europe flocked to Buda, 
the capital of Hungary, which at the time was the center of intel- 
lectual life in eastern and central Europe. In Pressburg, the ancient 
royal seat of Hungary, where its kings were crowned, a great uni- 
versity and many scientific societies were founded, as well as the 
first printing shop established in 1473. The everlasting onslaughts 
of the Turks, however, were bleeding the country to death, and for 
this reason Hungary elected in 1526 Ferdinand of Hapsburg to the 
Hungarian throne. The country hoped to get from nim material 
help against the Turks and thus be able to continue the peaceful 
pursuits of its destiny. Unhappily the remedy was worse than the 
lUness. Instead of helping Hungary to keep out the Turks, the Haps- 
burgs meant to make a German Province of Himgary and takmg 
advantage of her exhausted condition caused by the Turkish wars, 
deprived her of her independence. Since then Hungarian history is 
a story of unceasing effort to deliver the country from the Hapsburg 
rule and to regain its freedom and liberty. 

In the seventeenth and in the eighteenth century Hungary revolted 
eight times against the Hapsburgs, three times with French aid, 
but the prevai3.ing European coalitions always cnished Hungary's 
noble fight for freedom. In 1848, under the leadership of Louis 
Kossuth, Hungary once more revolted against the Hapsburgs, and 
this time her armies were victorious, when the Russian Czar rushed 
200,000 fresh troops to the help oi the Austrian Emperor. Thus 
Hungary again was crushed and defeated. But the glorious deeds 
of the Hungarian revolution called the attention of the whole civilized 
world to Hungary's plight. Louis Kossuth turned for help to the 
western countries of Europe, to France and England and finally to the 
United States of America. Who does not know of the glorious 
reception the great patriot was given in this country? Never in the 
history of America was a foreimer received with greater honors than 
Kossuth. Congress assembled in a joint meeting and was addressed 
by the wonderful orator whose impassioned burning speeches were 
the wonder of two continents. But though he got all the sympathy 
he could have wished for his cause, material help was lacking and 
none of the great powers made it their business to interfere with the 
Austrian Emperor in his treatment of Hungary. After Hungary's 
defeat in 1879, an autocratic miUtary rule was established in Hun- 
gary, prohibiting the use of the Hungarian language, confiscating all 
Bberties and privileges of a free people. This lasted nearly 20 years 
when the coimtry at last gave up hope to get help from France and 
England and in order to lead at least ti-e normal life of a State, 
it submitted to the so-called compromise of 1867, by which Hungary 
was granted in.internal affairs an autonomy, but the direction of her 
foreign policy and the control of her army was left in the hands of the 
emperor kuig. 



964 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY. 

Now, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, this brief 
survey of Hungarian history gives you the key to the state of mind 
of the Hungarian people when the great war broke out in 1914. 
The Hapsburg ruler bemg the absolute master of the Austro-Hunga- 
rian army and the sole director of the monarchy's foreign policy, 
Hungary was handed over, bound hand and loot, to the shortsighted, 
selfish interests of the dynasty, and the whole power of the country, 
its men, its riches, its political future, were being sacrificed for the 
dynastical aims and ambitions of the Hapsburgs. Western Europe, 
which had refused Hungary its help in 1848 and forced it to submit 
to the Hapsburgian yoke in 1867, saw in 1914 the resources of Hungary 
used against her. ^ut can you blame for it Hungary? No more 
than you can blame the Croatians, the Serbians, the Slovaks and 
the Roumanians of Hungary and of Austria that, though their hearts 
were set against the Hapstiurgs, they submitted to the iron rule of 
war which forced them by the power of martial law to join the colors 
of the Hapsburgs. 

Still even the compromise of 1867 was unable to stifle the Hun- 
garian people's desire for dehverance. The Independence Party, 
whicb did not recognize the dualistic pact, ffrew constantly in number 
and influence. Count Karolyi, the leaaer of the Independence 
Party, went in January, 1914, to Paris where he had a conference 
with President Poincare, asking his help for Hungan^'s struggle for 
freedom. From Paris Count Karolyi went to the United States in 
order to ask Americans of Hungarian descent to help him in his 
fight for the justice of their native land. Three months later he 
returned once more to the United States bent upon organizing 
American help for their fight for independence. The outbreak of 
the war found Karolyi in America, which he immediately left, and, 
after having been interned for a brief period in France, he went back 
to Hungary. He did not keep back his disapproval of the war. He 
openly agitated against Germany. He frankly declared that his 
svmpathies were with the Allies. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of 
the committee, just imagine what this really meant. But though 
in war times the life of one man does not count much, the powers 
that were then did not dare to touch Count Karolyi, because they 
knew that the people behind him would rise in anger and crush them 
should they make an attempt upon his life. All intimidations 
notwithstanding, he went on with the work of enlightening the 
country and fiS:ing frankly the responsibility for the world war. 
And then, when the President of the United States sent his message 
to the whole civilized world, people everywhere listened with rapture 
and it seemed that a new Moses had arrived who from the heights of 
the Capitol at Washington announced the 14 new commanaments 
of a God of justice and righteousness. The seK-determination of 
the people and the principle that no territories should be shifted 
from one State to another without the consent of the people who 
live upon those territories, sounded like the bugle call of a new world 
in which justice and fairness would rule. 

To the Hungarian people President Wilson's 14 points meant the 
materialization of their fondest hopes for freedom and independence. 
If no people could be ruled over without the consent of the governed, 
then the Hapsburg rule over Hungarv had come to an end. And 
as the Hungarians felt so did all of tne nationaUties that belonged 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY. 965 

to the dual monarchy. The fighting power of the Austro-Hungarian 
Army, composed of three nationalities had suddenly come to ah end. 
The whole Austro-Hungarian Army began to dispand. 

But, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, is it necessary 
for me, after this exposition of the situation in the dual monarchy to 
insist upon the fact that through the victory of the Allies the Hun- 
garian people have been freed and made independent just like the 
other oppressed people of the Austro-Himgarian monarchy — the 
Czechs, tne Poles, the Jugo-Slavs? At last — at last Hungary has 
been able to bring her revolution of four centuries to a happy con- 
clusion and indeed she established, shortly after the proclamation of 
the 14 points, a repubhcan form of government and a real democracy. 

But unfortunate is the destiny of some nations. The very day 
that saw the birth of the new Hungary, free from her fetters and free 
from the Hapsburg, threw her into the throes of another sort of 
agony. Count K&rolyi, the head of the republican government of 
I^ngary, signed the armistice made at Belgrade, which stated that 
the Entente powers should occupy Hungary up to a certain point, 
but it was understood that troops of the neighboring countries, 
which coveted Hungarian territories, would not form the army of 
occupation. 

As soon as the Hungarian Army disbanded, however, Czechs, 
Serbians, and Roiunanians flooded the country, passed the demarca- 
tion lines, and two-thirds of the country was soon in their possession, 
leaving only Budapest, and a few surroimding counties in Hungarian 
hands. The armistice expressly stated that in the territories occu- 

Eied by Entente troops the civil administration should remain in the . 
ands of the Himgarians and that the troops would not interfere with 
the adn^inistration of domestic affairs, but the invaders drove away 
Hungarian employees of the Government and put in their own offi- 
cials and then declared the territories occupied by them a part of 
their own coimtrv, because they had established a government in 
them. They pronibited the speaking of the Hungarian language; 
they closed up communications from these districts to the rest of 
Hungary. The coimtry waa hermetically sealed by the troops of the 
Czechs, Serbians, and Koiunanians, unable to have any contact with 
the outside world or even to communicate with two-thirds of her own 
population. No one was permitted to go in or out. No mail passed 
through. Transportation was cut oflf, with the result that the people 
could not get food even from other parts of their own country and 
thev were starving and being driven to desperation. 

Count Karolyi protested to the Entente against the violation of all 
the terms of the armistice and against the reign of terror of the troops 
of occupation, which even began using corporal pimishment. He 
implored repeatedly the statesmen at raris to give him a hearing, 
to permit him to prasent Hungary^s side, to plead for her rights, to 
throw light upon the true conditions of affairs. But an answer never 
came. 

Then people began to doubt that justice would be done to Hungary. 
They lost their hope in the future. They received no word of encour- 
agement from Paris; they saw only that the neighboring countries of 
Hungary, not satisfied to have regained their freedom and independ- 
ence, were carried away now by imperialism and coveted the land, 
the coal, the woods, the gold, the ore mines, and the most fertile 



966 TREATY OF FEAGB WITH GERMANY. 

parts of Hungary. And the Hungarian people realized that thus dis- 
membered this country would he unable to exist. And they asked 
themselves what has become of those beautiful x\merican principles 
laid down in the 14 points of President Wilson? Oh, now they 
trusted America, how they believed in the sincerity of those enuncia- 
tions, how they pinned their fate, their future, the whole existence of 
their country to that wonderfiJ message from Washington, announc- 
ing the beginning' of a new, better world. And now, here they were, 
victims of the violations of the armistice terms, their country overrun, 
dismembered, crushed under the very eye of the Paris peace confer- 
ence and in the name of it. 

No wonder, when on top of all this the Paris peace conference gave 
permission to the Eoumanians to advance still farther with their 
armies, that the prestige of Count Karolyi, which was based upon his 
trust and confidence in the Allies, crumbled to pieces in the t^eth of 
these facts, that he then threw up his hands, resigned his oiRco, and 
the reins of the Government were seized by Bela Kun, the Bolshevik 
leader and former secretary of Lenine. 

It would be useless for me to dwell upon the horrors of the Bolshevik 
regime in Hungary. They are known to you all. Senators. But 
when, after having tolerateci for four months the despicable rule of the 
Bolshoviki in Hungary, the Paris peace conference finally sent a 
message to the people of Hungary giving them one week's time to 
overthrow the Bela Kun regime and to form a government acceptable 
to the Allies, promising in tnat case the lifting of the blockade and the 
begiining of actual peace negotiations, the Himgarians foimd yet in 
spite of all their misior tunes force and energy enough to chase away 
Bela Kun and his satellites and to form a government which was 
entirely satisfactory to the Allies. But dia they keep faith with 
Hungary? IVentv-four hours after the constitution of the new 
government, which immediately disbanded the Red troops, the 
Roumanians took advantage of trie fact that Hungary once more was 
without an armed force and they marched into Budapest and occupied 
the capital of Hungary. They overthrew the new government, 
installed the Archduke Joseph, a Hapsburg, as governor of the 
country, and then having allied themselves with the old reactionary 
forces began to pillage and to plunder the country. The Paris peace 
conference protested against Roumanian conduct, demanded that the 
Roumanian troops snould be withdrawn from Budapest. The 
Roumanians, however, paid no attention to this and are still in Buda- 

f^ast. America sent a very strong protest, calling attention to the 
act that robbing babies' hospitals and thereby causing the death of 
18 sick babies on one day is not in harmony with the prmciples which 
the world has been pretending it has been fighting for during the last 
five years. 

According to a cable dispatch of the New York Times dated August 
26, a list of plunder taken out of Hungary since August 17 reached 
Paris that day. It includes everything frckn typewriters to 110 race 
horses and many other animals frcm the Hungarian Government 
stud farms. Thousands of Hungarian workmen have been thrown 
out of work by the removal of all machinery frcm the factories in 
which they were employed. Four thousand telephones have been 
taken frcm private hemes. The Roumanians have taken 60 per 
cent of the Hungarian locomotives, practically all the passenger 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY. 967 

equipment, and 5,000 freight cars. All these items are taken as 
samples from a much longer list of ])lunder removed only in four or 
five days. Before that had gone cattle and food. In other words, 
adds the Times correspondent, Roumania is doing to Hungary 
exactly what Germany aid to Belgium. 

Witn this difference, however, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the 
committee, that whatever abominations were committed in Belgi um 
they accomplished in time of war, which is, of course, no excuse, 
but an explanation. War is cruel, war is ruthless, war is brutality, 
'wrar is hell. But now — ^now the Paris peace conference has drawn 
up a covenant of the league of nations which is supposed to guarantee 
the peace of the world and deal out justice. Now — ^now there is no 
war any longer, but an armistice^ if not peace altogether. And yet, 
Roumania, a charter member of the league of nations, is violating 
all the laws of nations as well as those of humanity, and she is not 

{>revented by the other great charter members of this so-called 
eague of peace, to pilfer and plunder and rob and crush an exhausted 
and unfortimate nation. 

The American press almost unanimously condemned Roumanians 
behavior, one or two apologists remarking that Roumania was only 
taking back what Gen. Makenzen has taken out of Roumania. Now, 
let me tell you. Senators, that whatever Makenzen and the German 
armies may have taken out of Roumania, they were not in the habit 
of ever giving to Hungary anything they took. But even had Hun- 
garian troops themselves during the war robbed Roumania — ^which 
they never did — ^retaliation robbery during the period of the armis- 
tice, with the peace conference sitting at raris and with the charter 
of a league of peace ready for adoption, is against the new rules of a 
virtuous world. 

What is one of the main rules of this new world ? The self-deter- 
mination of people. Now, are the people of Hungary to be asked 
whether they want to belong to another country? Are they to be 
asked whether they want to give practically all their woods, all their 
coal mines, all their metals, all their salt mines and the richest 
wheat-growing parts of their country to foreign nations as it is 
intended to take them from them. Are they to be asked whether 
they want to tear to pieces their 1 ,000-year-old association ? Whether 
they want to be subject to foreign rule? Is there going to be a 

Fleoiscite in Hungary ? A plebiscite held under proper safeguards ? 
mean by that that no army of the nations which means to profit 
by territorial aggrandizement should be permitted in the territory 
where the vote will bo taken, but neutral, possibly American troops, 
should look out for the free expression of the will of the people. 

In this respect it is important to bear in mind that the nationalities 
of Hungary — ^with the exception of the Slovaks— have migrated into 
the Hungarian territory. They were permitted to keep their lan- 
guage and nationality and all that was demanded of tnem was to 
bo good Hungarian citizens, and they were that, they are that even 
now. Race is not everything; a nation means more than race; it 
means geographical unity, common culture, common tradition, 
common history, common ideals. Ask the Slovaks in Hungary 
whether they want to be Czechs and they will answer no. In fact, 
they have a few months ago founded in the city of Kassa a Slovak 



' 



968 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY. 

republic which was suppressed by armed force of the Czechs. Ask 
the 600,000 Magyars and Saxons (also Hungarians by feeling and 
thought) whether they want to become Serbians or 'Roumanians. 
Ask even the Roumanians of Transylvania whether they want to 
become part of one of the most autocratically ruled countries— 
Roumania — instead of being part of a free democracy and liberty- 
loving country as Hungary. A plebiscite, therefore, is the only just 
and equitable means of solving trie problem of Hungary, and 1 pray 
of you. Senators, do not give vour consent to any Hungarian treaty 
of peace which would shift Ilungarian territorv to another State 
without the consent of the people who live upon tnose territories. 

Now, this leads me, however, to the question of the league of 
nations. Should any injustice be done to Hxmgary — ^it is not impos- 
sible — ^will then this league furnish the means of right in the future 
wrongs done to Himgary ? 

No, Senators. This '^league of injustice" intends to build an 
impregnable and indestructible Chinese wall around the subjugated 
races; a wall as high as to shut out all rays of hope for liberation; a 
wall so strong through the united cooperation of the mightiest nations 
of the earth as to imbue the peoples which had been caught in the 
diplomatic net of the Paris peace conference, as the Hungarians, or 
else had been ignored by it, as the Iiish, with the paralyzmg knowl- 
edge of their utter impotency to escape and to be free again. Instead 
of joy it brings sorrow, instead of hght it sheds darkness, instead of 
rigntmg wrongs it commits new ones, instead of developing inter- 
nation^ law it makes the law of egotism international instead of 
heralding the dawn of a new world; it means the doom of all the 
highest aspirations of mankind toward universal justice, fairness, 
and square deal. 

It does all that with a deceiving smile and with an abimdance of 
hypocritically sweet words. Some years ago The Devil, a wonder- 
fully clever and highly successful play by a Himgarian author, was 
shown throughout the United States. This devil was different from 
the evil figure as it lived in the imagination of the world. In looking 
at him you would not know him, he had neither horns nor a pointed 
beard, nor was he lame. On the contrary he was smooth-faced, 
elegant of figure, showing the manners oi a poUshed gentleman, 
wearing the finest clothes from a Fifth Avenue shop and saying 
brilliant things, so brilliant, indeed, that he finally succeeded in per- 
verting the mind of a most virtuous lady into looking upon highly 
improper things as the very pinnacle of angelic virtue. Yet, no 
virtuous fair lady ever was seduced by more alluring phrases and 
more high-sounding promises than a war-worn world is now tempted 
to believe that this lea^e of brutal force is a league of peace. This 
league of nations indeed is Satan in evening clothes, Lucifer masquer- 
ading as the Angel of Paris, but when you look closer to it you will 
discover under the dark shadows of the white wings the hoois of the 
devil. And by God, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, 
you have looked close and you have discovered articles 10 and 11 
and the oth^r unmistakable signs of his satanic majesty. 

In closing I want to say a few words. 

I understand, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, that this body is not 
making the treaty. As far as my knowledge goes, the peace treaty 
with Hungary is ready but not submitted yet. These territorial 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEEMANY. 969 

spoils are claims of foreign neighboring countries put forth before the 
peace conference. 

It is understood that the most extreme claims have been granted. 
Therefore, in looking at this map, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of 
the conmiittee, you will get a full knowledge, as exact and full a 
knowledge as it is possible of what is going to happen. Our plea is 
this: We congratulate you, Mr. Chairman and gentfemen of the com- 
mittee, upon your firm stand upon the question of the league of na- 
tions, and we implore you that at a time when the Hungarian treaty 
will come before you and before the Senate you shall do justice and 
be fair and magnanimous with Hungary. 

STATEMENT OF MB. HENST BABACS. 

If it please the committee, I would like to make just a few remarks 
to comT'lement Mr. Piv6ny's address. 

Firstly, I would like to call your attention to the interesting fact 
that it is possible to get a gjlimrse of the true situation in regard to 
the relation of the parts of Hungary to be taken away from her and the 
racial make-up of their porulation, without having to go to Hungary, 
right here in the United States of America. We want you to know 
that there are great multitudes of American citizens of Hungarian 
extraction who, or whose parents or grandparents, hailed from 
districts of Hungary that are now under the rule of some claimant of 
Hungarian territory, even though no formal treaty has yet sanctioned 
the territorial changes, and that great multitudes of Hungarians, 
haihng from such districts, reside in this country who, while not yet 
fully naturalized have, at all times, done their luU duty toward the 
United States. A closer scrutiny wiU also reveal that from 'a great 
many coimtries, included in the disputed areas, more Hungarians 
emJOTated te America than people of other races. 

Tne mere fact thftt there are himdreds of thousands of people in 
America alone who come from the very parts of Hungary that are to 
be permanently; annexed to other countries, and who are, undoubtedly, 
of the Himgarian race, ought te serve and be accepted as a prima 
facie evidence of the total lack of justification of the proposed terri- 
torial changes. For the only acceptable rebuttal of this evidence 
would be for the other side to claim that this numerical relation 
between Himgarians and non-Himgarians from those countries exists 
in America only and that the numerical relation is quite different in 
the countries themselves. This, however, would finally and com- 
pletely dispose of the cry of Hungarian oppression in those sections 
of Hungary, for who could be made to believe that the oppressors 
leave their country in greater numbers than the oppressed ones ? 

The fact I referred to ought also to act as a warning that no peace 
of any duration can be established with such territorial changes, and, 
last But not least, it ought to indicate that a close and fair scrutiny 
of the fate of Himgary by the Senate of the United States will prove 
of great force in strengthening the faith of great masses of good 
Americans in the sense of justice and altruism of America, their 
country. 

As a second remark, I would like to call your attention to a feature 
of the situation that to my knowledge has not yet received due con- 
sideration. 



970 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEEMAlSrY. 

We have heard a good deal about the boon this peace is going to 
prove for new Hungary which, though shorn of a large part of her 
territory, will at last and at least be able to live the life of an inde- 
pendent, self-governing, happy nation. 

Mr. Piv&ny has proved, conclusively, the impossibility of a satis- 
factory physical existence of such a new Hungary, because she would 
be without most of the indispensable economic requirements. But 
nations are like human beings. Physical life alone is not worth 
living without a spiritual life. Of what use is the strongest, healthiest 
body, and how long can such a body exist, if there is no soul to direct 
its actions? Of wnat use is, as a nation, the largest area of land, 
inhabited hj the greatest multitude of people, if there is no national 
soul, no national spirit to direct its career? 

And it is the soul, the spirit of the Hungarian nation the proposed 
disintegration of Hungary threatens with extinction. For most of 
the places and regions to which are attached the most sacred tradi- 
tions of the Hungarian nation, and which formed the comer stones 
of her culture and civilization, would be lost to her. 

To give just a few illustrations: Pozony (Pressburg), for centuries 
the capital and coronation city; Kassa, the resting place of Rakoczi, 
the hero of the greatest popular uprising against the Hapsburgs; 
Monok, the birthplace of I>ouis Kossuth; Munkacs, a landmark on 
the road the Magyars took when they entered their future home and 
the biithplace oi Michael Munkacsy; Komarom, the native town of 
Maurus Jokai, are to be under Czecho-Slovak rule; 

Kolozsvar, so closely connected with and symbolic of the glorious 
part Transylvania played in the history of the Hungarian nation 
and of the entire civilized world; Torda, where Hunyadi, the Turk 
beater, first saw the light, the land of the Szeklers, these heroes of 
Hungary's many fights for liberty; Arad, the Hungarian Golgotha, 
where the 13 martyrs were executed on October 6, 1849, and where 
most of them were buried, are to become the possession, and are 
already occupied by Roumania. 

Bacs County and other parts of southern Hungary which are full 
of reminders of the battles with the Turks and of the revolution of 
1848-49, are to be ruled by Serbia. The birthplace of Francis Liszt 
is coveted by German Austria. 

There would be no shrine left where Hungarian could go in pil- 
grimage to pay homage to the glories of the past and to gain inspiration 
for continued noble efforts. All those great traditions would be super- 
seded by the one sad knowledge that they were all in vain, that they 
are lost forever. 

I dare say, therefore, that to take away all this territory from 
Hungary means the killing of the soul of the Hungarian nation. And 
how long could and would it be a nation with her soul torn out? 

And stiU, I do not hesitate stating that if the future of world's 
democracy and the success of the plans to secure permanent peace 
demand that the Hungarian nation and the State of Hungary be 
offered as a sacrifice; if the best interests of civilization are served by 
eliminating the Hungarian nation and the State of Hungary as its 
factors and bjr replacing them by the Servian and Roumanian na- 
tions; if the triumph of the doctrine of the right of self-determination 
of nations and nationalities can not be made complete and convincing 



cTRKATY OF PEACE WITH GEBSCANY. 971 

ivithout depriving the Hungarians and other races inhabiting""old 
Hungary, of eKercising that right, in punishment for belonging to the 
vanquished participants of the world s war; if all these presumptions 
and suppositions are well taken then, though with a bleeding heart 
and an agonized soul, I recant all I said, with honest conviction, and 
based upon what I know to be honest truths in the cause of Hungary. 

But I fear not that the verdict of this committee and the verdict 
of the Senate will place me in such a position. I trust that this 
verdict wiU be such as to give a new lease of life to old Hungary. As 
long as the Senate of America refuses to sanction Hungary's dismem- 
berment, there will be a Hungary, a Hungarian nation. 

In conclusion I want to close my remarks with what Dr. Pivdny 
said in the beginning of his remarks. I want to thank you most 
sincerely on behalf of the Hungarian-American Federation for the 
courtesy that you have extendecTto us. We came here directly from 
a convention of the Hungarian-American Federation, hold in Cleve- 
land yesterday and the day before, where several hundred delegates 
assembled from all parts of the country, some of them old American 
citizens of the second generation. As they bade us good-bv they 
gave us their blessing with the hope that our mission would oe suc- 
cessful. Once more we thank you from the bottom of our hearts. 

(The brief entitled "The case of Hungary/' offered by Mr. Piv&ny 
is here printed in full, as follows:) 

• • • • • • • 

The Case of Hunoa&y. 

(A brief submitted to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate of the United States by the Hun- 
garian American Federation, 404-406 Sui>erior Building, Cleveland, Ohio.] 

Mr. Chainnan and members of the Committee on Foreign Relations, before pre- 
senting this brief to you we wish to express our thanks for, and appreciation of, the 
spirit of fair play evinced by the willingness of your committee to have us testify 
before you as to the case of Hungary. 

We feel that, in submitting this brief, we are performing a civic duty and are serving 
the best interests of our country as well as of mankind, for (1) we endeavor thereby to 
prevent the United States of America from becoming an active partner to the unwar- 
ranted, unjust, and arbitrary disintegration and annihilation of a country that has 
existed in the territorial condition now to be disturbed for over a thousand years and 
had become a recognized factor of civilization; (2) by placing at the disposal of your 
committee, the Senate of the United States, and the American people the true facts of 
the case we endeavor to prevent that judgment be based on the one-sided, or unreal, 
or fabricated statements which have been spread broadcast by the claimants of Hun- 
garian territory for several years past; (3) the fate of what had been known until the 
armistice as Hungary is not a matter of indifference to the rest of tlie world, as might be 
inferred from the lack of interest in the subject shown by various factors of public 
opinion in this country. On the contrary, the very peace of Europe depends on it. 

In order to add to the lucidity of our brief, we beg leave to give first a concise account 
of the treatment accorded to Hungary during the armistice, then present our data and 
arguments grouped as to (I) the historical, (II) the racial or ethnographic, (III) the 
religious, (IV) the eoncomic, and (V) the political or international aspects of the case, 
and, finally, state our conclusions. 

hunoaby's treatment dubino the abmistice. 

On the night from October 30, to October 31, 1918, after much agitation lastirc 
several morths, a revolution broke out in Budapest, the capital of Iiungary. which 
put Count Michael Kdrolyi into power, demanded the immediate cessation of hostili- 
ties, and the opening of negotiations tor the conclusion of a just and lasting peat e. 
Shortlv afterwards a republican form of government was adopted by the Hungarian 
National Council based on universal male and female suffrage, and K4rol\d was elected 
temporary president. It was quite logical to havo Kdrol>d head this movement, for 



972 TREATY OF PEACE WITH QEBMA3TY. 

K&Tolyi had been the leader of the party in the Hungarian Parliament opposed to the 
alliance with Germany, he had openly, and with considerable r\sk to his person, 
avowed his friendship for the Allies, and had been a radical democrat and pacifist. 

It is now universally admitted that had the Allies not imnecessarily opposed, 
humiliated, deceived and driven into despair the decent and orderly Kdrolyi Govern- 
ment, not to speak of having pven it some well-deserved encouragement, most of the 
chaos, bloodshed, and suffering still prevailing in eastern £iu*ope could have been 
avoided and Bolshevism woula never have come to power in Hungary. (We refer 
for instance, to Prof. Philip Marshall Brown's illuminating article in the magazine 
section of the New York Times for July 27, 1919. ^ Prof. Brown had been one of our 
experts to the peace commission.) 

On November 7, 1918, Count Michael Kdrolyi, with a staff of experts, went to 
Bc!^]:rad to conclude an armistice with the French general, Franchet d'Esperey, 
conimander of the allied forces in the East. The general treated Kdrolyi, the head 
of a noble nation, as no gentleman would think of treating a servant; he told him he 
held the fate of Hungary in the hollow of his hand and could destroy her by turning 
her neighbors loose on her (which he subsequently did); and replied to Kdrolyi's 
request to facilitate the importation of coal in order to keep the mills running with 

these historic words: "What the h 1 do you want coal for? A hundred years ago 

you used windmills. Why can not you get along with them now? " 

The armistice dictated by Gen. Franchet imposed very heavy obligations of an 
economic kind on Hungary. A very considerable part of her military supplies, 
rolling stock, river boats and live stock was to be handed over to the Allies. The 
Hun|2:arian Army was to be reduced to five divisions of infantry and one division of 
cavalry. The territory south of the line of demarcation (which ran, roughly speaking, 
along the river Maros and continued southwestward on an artificial line across the 
Tisza and the Danube to the river Drave), viz, one-third of Hungary, was to be open 
to occupation by the allied or associated armies. The occupation was to be tempo- 
rary, and the territorial qupstions were to be settled finally by the peace conference. 
There was only one provision in the armistice not unfavorable to Hungary, and that 
was to the effect that the ci\dl adnainistration even of the occupied territories should 
remain in the hands of the Hungarian Government, thus assunng the continuance of 
the centralized system for the distribution of food, coal, and other necessaries of life. 
It is of importance to note that at that time Hungary had enough food to last until 
the next harvest; in fact, she had a little surplus which she was willing to give to 
Vienna or Prague in exchange of certain manufactures and coal. 

Although the Hungarians have speedily fulfilled their obli^tions, this provision of 
the amaistice has been violated by the Allies and their associates from the very first, 
which is the principal cause of all the famine, idleness and anarchy in Hungary. 

The western part of the territory laid open to occupation was invaded in November 
by the Serbian Army, which was followed in the eastern part by the Roumanian Army 
in December. The Roumanians were somewhat late, because at the conclusion of the 
armistice they had hardly any army worth speaking of. Their first soldiers arriving 
in Hungary were very badly equipped, many of them wearing straw hats in December 
and low moccasins instead of shoes or boots. But they were not bashful at all about 
helping themselves to the military stores in Hungary, and soon looked spick and span. 
The first thing the occupving armies did was to annex the occupied territories, 
remove all the Hungarian officials who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the 
ruler of the invaders, denationalize the Hungarian schools, and discharge tiie Hun- 
^rian professors and teachers who could or would not teach in the language of the 
invaders. Exactly the same procedure was followed later by the Czechs who, under 
the pretext of **occup5dng strategically important points," overran and fomrally 
annexed northern Hungary. Of course, all tnis was contrary not only to the law of 
nations, but also to the specific provisions of the armistice; nevertheless, the Allies 
approved of it and paid no attention to Kdrolyi' s frantic notes of protest. 

But the Roumanians were not satisfied with occupying and annexing those parts of 
Hungary which lie south of the line ot demarcation. Having made sure of it that 
Hungary had disarmed hersell, they transgressed the line of demarcation and gradu 
ally advanced to the river Tisza, getting what they styled the 'Emporium,'* or sover- 
eignty, over all the coveted Hungarian territory except two counties in the south held 
by the Serbians. This disgraceful war on a disarmed country during a period of 
armistice is without a parallel in modern history; it was illegal, dishonorable, and 
cowardly. Yet the Allies approved of it, made Adrolyi's position more and more 
untenable, and finally drove what was left of Hungary into the arms of Bolshevism, 
which could have been easily^ averted by the application of a little horse sense, not to 
speak of justice and human tiy. 

Two of the many authentic reports of incidents illustrative of the Roumanian idea 
of government ana the rights of racial minorities are given here. 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANT. 973 

A few days after last Christznas an Hunearian captain walked with his wife on tlie 
main street of Kolozsrar, the capital of Transylvania, which is a purely Hungarian 
dty, rich in historical associations dear to everv Hungarian, and is, by the way, a good 
distance beyond the line of demarcation. A ^iimanian patrol was passing by, and 
the lady observed to her husband in Hungarian that yesterday she had seen these 
same tellows, who were wearing new Hungarian uniforms and boots, in ragged clothes 
and worn-out moccasins, whereupon the soldier in charge ot the patrol, who had over- 
heard the remark, placed the captain and his wile under arrest and marched them off 
to headquarters. There the lady and her husband were stripped by soldiers and 25 
strokes ot the birch were administered on their bare bodies. 

This was reported with full names and other data to Prof. Coolidge, of Harvard 
Universit^r, who, as an expert attached to the American peace commission, spent a 
few days in Budapest in January last. It was. further, reported to him that the 
Serbians had also mtroduced flogging as a punishment in those regions of Hungary 
which were occupied hj them. 

The other incident is reported in a letter from a professor of the University of 
Kolozsvar to the editor of tne London Nation and jDublished among the editorials of 
that periodical on July 12, 1919. It reads: 

**0n May 10 the Koumanians, relying on military force, declared our university to 
be the property of the Roumanian State, and invited our professors to take the oath 
of fidelity to feoumania and its King. Relying on international law we unani- 
mously refused to commit such an act of treason to the fatherland. Thereupon, 48 
hours after the dispatch of their demand, our university was surrounded, diuing lesson 
time, by armed forces. The professors were expelled from their chairs, our labora- 
tory equipment was seized, and nearly 2,500 students were dispersed by the immediate 
Buspension of our university life. Furthermore, the assistant professors and staff were 
forced, on pain of immediate expulsion, to remain in their places and continue their 
clinical work under the control of their old students of Roumanian nationality. 

**It is needless to add that all this is contrary to international law. It is enough 
to remind you that, according to the fundamental principles of international law, 
every military occupation previous to the conclusion of peace is merely temporary, 
and has no judicial consequences. Furthermore, article 75 of the Hague Convention 
expressly forbids any citizen of occupied territory from being invited or forced to 
take the oath of allegiance to the conquering power, while article 56 provides that 
the property of schools and scientific institutes, even if they belong to the State, 
must be considered to be private property." 

The Czechs are reported to have acted in the same way toward the universities of 
PozBony and Kassa, two large, important and historically prominent Hungarian 
cities, in which the Slovaks form only an insignificant part of the population. 

Kdrolvi was an extreme pacifist who was opposed to armed resistance, taking the 
ground that the occupation of Hungary was only temporary and the Allies would in 
the end right the wrong. B61a Kun thought differently and organized a "Red" 
Army — whether in excess of the six divisions allowed in the armistice or not, we do 
not know — with which he tried to regain some of the territory illegally taken away 
from Hungary during the armistice. He appears to have been successful against the 
Czechs, nevertheless ceased his attacks, when so ordered by the Allies. When his 
government in Budapest was finally overthrown the "Red" Army collapsed, and the 
Roumanian army, standing on the eastern bank of the Tisza near Szolnok, viz., several 
hundred miles beyond the line of demarcation, crossed that river, marched on Buda- 
pest and even crossed the Danube into western Hungary. It was one of those easy 
Roumanian "conquests," for there was no armed force to resist them, and, as has been 
reported, they made the most unscrupulous use of their opportunities. 

This outrage incensed even the supreme council in Pans, which is perhaps ban- 
ning to see that the sport which disarmed Hungary had been carried too far. But 
Roumania, which at first was the ally of Austria-Hungary, then went over to the 
Allies, then made a separate peace with the Central Powers, and at the conclusion of 
the armistice was an humble supplicant before the Allies, snaps her fingers at them 
now that she has plenty of food and a large army in the field with nobody to oppose it. 

There matters now stand. Hungary is still blockaded; she is cut off from all com- 
munication with the outside world; famine and idleness still continue in a naturally 
rich country, and whatever is left there the Roumanians are taking away by force. 

I. THE HISTORICAL ASPECT. 

In judging the case of Hungary, care should be taken not to confound it with that 
of Austria. The Empire of Austria, which has never lawfully included the Kingdom 
of Hungary, caAe into existence only in 1804, and was a conglomeration of former 
kingdoms, principalities, and duchies, or parts of them, added by the Hapsburgs to 



974 ZBEiLTY OP PEACB WITH GEBMIAITT; 

the original archduchies of lower and upper Austria throug;h conquest, marriaf^e, or 
fraud. Austria has never been a nation, has never had a lan<3^uage of her own, and is 
now bein^ dissolved into her constituent parts, or into groups of such parts, which 
can hardly be objected to on historical grounds. 

Hungary, on tne other hand, has been a homogeneous country practically within 
her present boundanes for more than a nullennium, has had a distinct language of her 
own, and can not be dissolved into her constituent parts, because she has no con- 
stituent parts, except Croatia, which had been a separate crownland of Hungary, 
with a high degree of national autonomy or home rule. This, however, did not satisfy 
the Croatians, whose aspirations were for complete independence, which was freely 
gmnted them by the recent Kdrolyi Government. Hungary proper (viz, Hungary 
without Croatia) can thus be only dismembered or partitioned even as Poland had been 
partitioned in the eighteenth century. 

References to "the Maramouresh/' "the Krishana" (this name is unintelligible 
to Hunganans), Transylvania, "the Banat," or "the Bachka" are apt to mislead the 
uninitiated into the belief that these terms denote separate Provinces of Hungary, 
whereas these regions are integrsd parts of Hungary and, with the exception of the 
first and last named, which are two Hungarian counties, they form not even separate 
administrative units. 

The hasin of the middle Danube, encircled by the Carpathian Mountains, had been 
the tranifnng ground of a multitude of races — Celts, Teutons. Dacians, Goths, Plavs, 
Huns, Avars— <iuring the great migration of nations. None of these races, not even 
the Roman, succeeded in establishing a permanent government in that region which 
nature itself has cut out to form one country. It was left to the Hungarians, or Mag- 
yars, who, under their leader Arpdd, conquered that country toward the end of the 
ninth century, to rear there a solid fabric of government which has withstood all 
vicissitudes of fortune for a thousand years. 

"The Hungarian Constitution,'' to quote the words of the ^eatest English authority 
on Hungar}^, the Hon. C. M. Knatchbull-Hugessen, "which has been obscured at 
intervals, violated at times, and suspended for a period, only to prove its indestructi- 
bility, is the product of no charter or fundamental statute, but is the result of a slow 
process of development, of a combination of statute and customary law which finds 
Its nearest parallel in Great Britain. It is remarkable that two such different races 
should have proceeded on such similar lines as the Anglo-Saxon and the Asiatic 
people, which, both as regards language and primitive institutions, introduced an 
entirely new element into Europe. The four blows with the sword directed, at his 
coronation, to the four cardinal points, by every Hungarian king down to Francis 
Joseph, are an emblem and a recognition of the fact that the Magyar people has had 
to maintain itself by force of arms i^ainst the unceasing attacks of alien neighbors, 
and the fact that a few thousand wanderers from Asia were able to preserve their 
individuality and institutions in the midst of an ocean of Slavs, Germans, and Turks 
and obtained comparatively quickly a position of equality with members of the 
European family, ai^^es the possession of exceptional military and political qualities, 
of exceptional cohesiveness, of a stoical capacity for endurance, and of a rooted con- 
fidence in themselves and in their future which no vicissitudes of fortune have been 
able to destroy. The alien jargon first heard by European ears twelve hundred years 
a^o has maintained its existence in spite of the competition of German and Slav 
dialects, of deliberate discouragement, and temporary neglect and has developed 
into a language which, for fullness and expressiveness, for the purpose of science as 
well as of poetry, is the equal if not the superior of the majority ot European tongues.'* 

St. IStepiien (907-1038) was the first ruler of Hungary to be converted to Christianity, 
and, haAing to choose between Byzance and Rome, he wisely chose the latter, thereby 
saving his penple from absorption by the Slavs and his country from sinking to the 
level of the Balkan States. 

In 1222 the Hungarian Diet wrung from a weak king the Bulla Aurea, or Golden 
Bull, which— in close resemblance to the Magna Charta of England, which preceded 
it only by a few years— is a fundamental charter of Hungarian liberty and one of the 
proofs of the great political capacity of the Hungarian race. 

After the extinction of the male line of this house of Arpdd (130S) the country was 
ruled for 200 years by kings from various dynasties, among whom liOuis, the Angevine, 
sumamed the Great, whose dominion extended from the Black Sea to the Baltic, and 
Matthias (/orvinus, surnamed the Just , son of John Hunyady, the Turk beater, were 
the most noteworthy. 

The fight against the growing power of the Ottoman Empire had begun, and the 
lion's share of defending Christianity against the onslaught of Mosleinism fell to 
Hunj;ary. It retarded her own progress but facilitated the development of civili/^ation 
in the West of Europe. In 1526, after the fateful Battle of Mohacs, the coun'r/ was 
divided intd-three parts, to be reunited only after the final expulsion of the Turks at 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY. 976 

the beginning of the eighteenth ceatury. One-third of the countnr fell under the 
sway of the Turks, Transylvania (sautheistem Hungary) was ruled by Hungarian 
princes, and the rest was under the rule of the Hapsbur^B. 

Until 1867 the policy of the Hapsburgs had been twofold: To Germanize and Honian- 
ize Hungary, and, acting on their motto "divide ut imperes/* to play off one race 
againf<t the other. In the latter they succeeded only too well, but their other efforts 
failed ajs;ainst the indomitable spirit of the Hungarians in defending their nationality 
and religious freedom. There is only one absorbent civilization in Hungarv, the 
Hungarian; and. while more than one-half of the people belong to the Catholic Church, 
Hungary is still the easternmost bulwark of Protestantism. The uprisings in the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, led by Bocskay, Bethlen, and Riikd^Bi, were 
made just as much m the defense of religious li^^erty as ot national independence. 

In 1S48 the Hungarians rose again against the autocracy of the Hapsburgs under 
the leadership of Louis Kossuth, the champion of European democracy. 

The interest of the American people in the gallant struggle of Hungarv was so great 
that President Taylor, in June, 1840, sent a "special and confideutial agent" to 
Hungary in the person of Ambrose Dudley Mann, of Virginia, who, however, arrived 
too late for Russia, the greatest militarv power of the age, had intervened in favor of 
' the Hapsburgs, with Great Britain and Fran ?e looking on without a word of protest. 
(See Mann's report in Appendix A.) 

In 1851 Kossuth, who had been freed from internment mainly through the efforts of 
Daniel Webster, .was invited to the United States as the guest of the nation, and mot 
with an enthusiastic reception, to which onlv that givei^ to Lafayette may be com- 
pared . His tour of the United States failed in its principal object of securing American 
support for the next uprising of the Hungarians, and is now remarkable mainly for the 
fact that he was the first to advocate in America the very principles which President 
Wilson had been propounding, viz, the right of self-determination, a league of nations 
to protect it, the partaking of America in &e affairs ot the Old World, and the abolition 
of secret diplomacy as the root of all international intri^e. 

It may be noted here, for its bearing on American history, that between three and 
four thousand of Kossuth's compatriots found an asylum in the United States, and when 
the proposition of a "government of the people, for the people, and by the people, " was 
on trial, nearly 1,000 of them enlisted in the Union Army, a proportion not equaled by 
any other race. Their military prowess, intelligence, and devotion was proved by the 
fact that out of this handful of Hungarians two reached the rank of major general and 
five became brigadier generals. 

In 1859 Louis Kossuth arrived at an understanding with Cavour and Napoleon the 
Third to carry the Austro-ltalian War into Hungary, whereupon the Hungarians would 
rise again to expel the Hapsburgs. But Napoleon, getting frightened by his own suc- 
cess, broke his word, and concluded the premature peace of Villafranca, thereby 
shattering all hopes of the Hungarians. 

Having been forsaken by the western powers three times, in 1849, 1862, and 1859, 
is it to be wondered at that Hungary finally consented to the compromise of 1867 with 
Austria and the Hapsburgs, which restored — ^at least on paper — ^her constitution? 

Hungary's unfortunate connection with the Hapsburgs, forced upon her by the 
attitude of the western powers and the threatening Russian peril, led inevitably to 
the alliance with Germany. That the Russian or Slavic peril to Hungary was not 
imaginary has been proved by recent events. 

In the condemnation of Hungary for having entered the German alliance these 
facts must not be lost sight of. It should a!so not be forgotten that under the political 
arrangement between Austria and Hungary, known as Dualism, Hungary had no con- 
trol of her foreign po'icy and of her army 

Of the four claimants to Hungarian territory two, viz Serbia and German Austria 
have — as far as is known to us — not based their claims on historical grounds. 

The Bohemians, or Czechs, have made some allusion to the semimythical Moravian 
Empire of Svatopluk, which is alleged to have extended over parts of northern Hun- 
gary and been disrupted by the incursion of the Hungarians in the 9th century. 
The Slovaks, it is alleged, are the descendants of Svatopluk's Moravians. 

The Roumanians have advanced a more definite claim to priority of occupation in 
the theory of their descent from the Daco-Romans, who had lived in Transylvania 
before the miyration of the nations. The Roumanian claims are treated more fully 
in Appendix B. 

Both of these theories have been proved by historical research to be false. But 
even if they were not false the principle of priority of occupation has never been 
defined in the law of nations. How many years of occupation is required to establish 
a valid title to a country? One hundred years, or 500 years, or more? If occupation 
for a thousand years is not acknowledged to be a valid title to a country, then we may 
be called upon some day to relinquish our title to Texas, and California, and other parts 



976 



TBEATT 07 FEAGK WITH GEBMAJSTT. 



of the United States in favor of Mexico, or Spain, or the Indians, and the whole map 
of Europe may have to be made over, too. And it is certainly the height of absurdity 
to go back for a title to a country to a period before the migration of the nations, even 
if the continuity of the race dispossessed by several subsequent conquerors could be 
proved. 

At the time of the conquest of Hungary by the Hungarians, or Mas^yars, the countrv 
was sparsely settled, and the non-Magyar races were speedily absorbed by them. All 
the non-Magyar races now living in Hungarv are later immigrants. The Magvars 
have built up and maintained the State for a thousand years and have stamped their 
civilization on the whole country. 

On historical ^ound?, therefore, only the Hungarians, and no one else, have any 
right to Hungarian territory. 

n. THE RACIAL OR ETHNOORAPHICAL ASPECT. 

Hungarv proper covers a territory of 109,216 square miles with a total population 
of lS,2f)4,53'^. 

Racially the Hungarian, or Magyar, race predominates, making up 54.5 per cent, 
i. e., more than one-half, of the population and being numerically more than three 
times as strou'iij as the next race in numbers, the Roumanians. Of the urban popula- 
tion fully 76 per cent are Magvars. But it is not numbers alone that count, ana the 
Magyars — to use the words of Daniel Webster — "stand out from it above their neigh- 
bors in all that respects free institutions, constitutional government, and a hereditary 
love of libertv." (See Appendix A.) 

The central plains of Hungary are populated almost wholly by the Mag^'^ars. Toward 
the peripheries their numbers diminish, although right on the Hungarian-Roumanian 
border there are three counties almost entirely Mag^^ar. But they are present every- 
where, and in the peripheries the various races are so intermingled that it is impossible 
to cut out larce territories on a racial basis without incorporating large minorities of 
other races, which of course object to such incorporation. 

The dismemberment of Hungary has been proposed in order to secure the right of 
self-determination of small nations. The perusal of the statistical table and map 
attached hereto will easily convince everybodv open to conviction that the claims 
put forward by the imperialistic neighbors of Hungary, and apparently approved at 
JParis, can not be justified on the basis of that principle. On the contrary, those 
claims are direct denials of the right of self-determination, for in each of the sections 
claimed by the four neighboring countries the particular race claiming it is in the 
minority. Neither is it in accord with the facts that by the proposed dismemberment 
of Hungary the Magyar race would be confined to its ethnic limits, for in the territorie^s 
to be wrested from Hungary the Magyars would have a very large plurality and, 
together with the German element, would form a majority. The ethnic limits of the 
Magyar race are hard to define: they certainly reach beyond the boundaries of Hun- 
gary into Roumania and Croatia. 



Claimed by Roumania 
Claimed by the Caechs 

Claimed by Serbia 

Claimed by Austria . . . 



Less— 

In dispute between Roumania 

and Serbia 

Loss— 

In dispute between Austrians 
and Czechs 

T<al claims 

Total of Hungary 

Remainder 



Square 
miles. 



49,979 

2.5,540 

15,829 

8,S95 



100,243 



6,737 



Population. 



Total. 



6,841,379 

4,079,515 

2,950,457 

574,343 



14,445,694 



1,115,986 



8,896 574,343 



81,611 
109,216 



24,605 



12,755,365 
18,264,533 



6,509,168 



Magyars. 



Number. 
2,429,446 
1,577,015 
1, 220, 560 
367,746 



6,594,767 



208,365 



367,746 



5,018,656 
9,944.627 



4,925,971 



Germans. 



Per 

cent. 
35.5 
38. 7 
41.6 
64.0 



18.7 



64.0 



39.3 
54.6 



89.4 



Number. 
742,655 
468, 796 
680,644 
144,708 



2,036,803 



331,662 



144,708 



1,560,133 
1.903,357 



.342,924 



Per 
cent. 
10.8 
11.5 
2.3.0 
25.2 



29.7 



25.2 



12.2 
10.4 



6.2 



Slovaks. 



Nitmber. 

127,038 

1,653,341 

50,248 

• 1,364 



1,831,991 



19,223 



1,364 



1,811.404 
1,9-46,357 



134,953 



Per 
cent. 

1.8 
40.5 

L7 
.3 



L7 



.3 



14.2 
10.7 



2.5 



TBEATT OF PEACE WITH QEBMANT. 



977 





Square 
miles. 


Population. 




Ronmanianfl. 


Ruthenlans. 


Croatians. 


Serbians. 


Others. 


Claimed by Rou- 
mania. ...«•.«•••. 

Claimed by the 
Czechs 


40,970 

25,540 

15,829 

8,805 


Num- 
ber. 
2,030,201 

2,400 

256,400 

51 


Per 
eerU. 
43.0 

"8.'7* 


Num- 
ber. 
100,232 

253,404 

10,810 

57 


Per 

cent. 

2.0 

6.2 
.3 


Num- 
ber. 
5,762 

57,834 

113,822 

55,206 


Per 

cent. 

0.1 

1.5 
3.8 
9.6 


Num- 
ber. 
291,093 

388 

427,876 

28 


Per 

eera. 

4.3 

"li'.S 


Num- 
ber. 
106,052 

66,337 

189,998 

5,183 


Per 
cent. 
1.6 

1.6 


Claimed by Serbia. . 
Claimed by Austria. 


6.4 
.9 




100,243 


3,198,151 




463,503 




232,624 




719,385 




368,470 




Less — 

In dispute be- 
tween Rou- 
manla and 
Serbia 

Less — 

In dispute be- 
tween Au»- 
trians and 
Czechs.. 


6,737 
8,895 


255,967 
51 


22.9 


41 
57 




4,553 
55,206 


.4 
9.6 


269,655 
28 


24.2 


26,520 
5,183 


2.« 
.0- 


Total claimed. 
Total of Hun- 
gary 


84,611 
109,216 


2,942,133 
2,948,186 


23.0 
16.1 


463,405 
464,270 


3.6 
2.5 


172,865 
194,808 


1.4 
1.1 


449,702 
461,516 


3.5 
2.5 


336,767 
401,412 


2.& 
2.2 


Remainder 


24,605 


6,053 


.1 


865 


21.943 


.4 


11,814 


.2 


64,645 


1.2 











The Roumanians claim nearly one-half of the territory of Hungary, 26 countit^s out 
of 63, with a total population of nearly 7,000,000, out of which not quite 3,000,000, or 
43 per cent, are Roumanians, and many of them are disinclined to be ruled by the 
boyars, as the junkers of Roumania are called. In the 15 counties of Transylvania 
(southeastern Hungary) alone the Roumanians have indeed a bare majority, but it 
is right there on the southeastern border that large contiguous territories are peopled 
by Sz^kely Magyars and Saxon settlers. 

In practically all the towns of 10,000 and over the Magyars are in the majority, and 
in the few instances in which they are not, the majority is German. Yet the Rou- 
manians claim such important Ma^ar cities as Maros-Vasarhely, Nagyvarad, Szatmar, 
Arad, and — last but not least — Kolozsvar, the capital of Transylvania. Kolozsvar, 
the Precious ( Kineses Kolozsvar), as the Hungarians love to call it^ is a beautiful city 
full of historical associations dear to the hearts of all Hungarians; it has a university,, 
several colleges, museums, and libraries, it is the center of the Unitarian Church in 
Hungary, and a commercial emporium as well. All that has been created by the 
Magyars through the work of centuries. The Roumanians have had no part in it> 
constituting only 12 per cent of the population. 

It is an admitted fact that the Roumanian people of Hungary are on a much higher 
level of civilization both as to literacy and to wealth than their brethren in the iSng* 
dom of Roumania, where they surely can not complain of racial oppression. The 
same applies, even in a higher degree, to the Serbian people of Hungary as compared 
with the people in the Serbian Kingdom. 

The claims of Serbia to Hungarian territory rest on a still more slender basis thaik 
those of Roumania. Apart from the fact that the Serbians of Hungary are descendant* 
of refugees who had found there an asylum against Turkish oppression, they form only 
a small minority of the population of the redons claimed. Their claim embraces 
15,829 square miles with a population of nearly 3,000,000, of whom only 427,876, or 
14.5 per cent, are Serbians, and 113,822, or 3.8 per cent, are Croatians. Even if we 
suppose all the smaller races collected in the census under the heading of *' others*^ 
to be Shokatses, Bunyevatses, and Slovenes, races kindred to the Serbians, the total 
of allJugo-Slavs in the regions claimed would be less than 25 per cent. 

It is worthv of note that in the territory which both Serbia and Roumania claim^ 
the so-called Banat, neither the Jugo-Slavs nor the Roumanians have even a plurality. 
According to newspaper reports, in this region the city of Temesvar has been awarded! 
to Roumania and the city of Versecz to Serbia. In the former the Roumanians consti- 
tute only 10.4 per cent, in the latter the Serbians constitute only 31.4 per cent of the 
population. 

The Czech claims, as originally formulated, were based on the principle of race, 
and comprised only that part of northern Hungary in which the Slovak people wer.e 

136657—19 3 



978 TEBATY OF FEAOE WITH GEBMAKY. 

numerically predominatiiig. Even that was contrary to the right of self-determina- 
tion, for the majority of the Slovak people of Hungary want no union with the Czechs. 
They said so openly in their national meeting held at Kassa in December last, de- 
claring that the Slovaks are a motion free and independent from both Bohemia and 
Hungary, but reco^pizing the force of economical laws they would be willing to enter 
into a federation with the rest of Hungary. 

Later, however, the Czechs threw the ethnic principle overboard and increased 
their demands so as to join hands in the northeast with the Roumanians, and in the 
west, by setting up a ** corridor" with the Jugo-Slavs, no matter what foreign races 
they would have to incorporate in their new empire. Thus the remainder of Hungary 
would be surrounded by an iron ring of Slavs and Roumanians, and cut off from direct 
communication with western Euroi>e. The Czechs claim from Hungary now a 
territory of 25,540 square miles with a total popidation of over 4,000,000, of whom only 
1,653,341, or 40.5 per cent, are Slovaks, hardly more than the Magyars in the same 
re^ons. 

They, too, want to incorporate in their new empire a number of impjortant Magyar 
cities, such as Pozsony and Kassa, for instance, both being Hungarian university 
towns and the centers of culture and trade for large regions. These two cities are 
also rich in historical associations, the former having been the seat of the Hungarian 
Diet for centuries, where many kings of Hungary had been crowned, and the latter 
liaving been prominently connected with the war of liberation led by F^^ncis Bdk6czi, 
whose earthly remains rest there in the beautiful old cathedral. The Slovak element 
in these and many other towns is almost negligible. 

It is worthy of note that in Bohemia the Czechs insist on the historical principle in 
order to keep Grennan Bohemia within their country. In Himgary, however, they 
refuse to acknowledge the historical principle, for on the historical principle the 
territorial integrity of Himgary would, of course, remain intact. 

The "corridor'* in the west of Himgary coveted by the Czechs is claimed also by- 
German Austria, and, according to newspaper reports, will be awarded to the latter. 
ThiB territory covers 3,434 square miles, with a population of 574,343, of which only 
144,708. or 25.2 per cent, are Germans, while 367,746, or 64 per cent, are Magyars. 

Should all the claims be satisfied, there would remain to Hungary only 24,605 square 
miles (out of 109,216) with a population of 5.509,168 (out of 18,264,533). Less than 
one-half (4,925,971) of the Magyars would belong to this "New Hungary," while the 
larger half of the race (5,018,656) would have to live in foreign countries- or be forced 
to emigrate from what had been their homes for many centuries. 

The statistical data used here were compiled from the Hungarian census of 1910, 
there being no later figures to go by. Since the chaige has repeatedly been made — 
without producing any proof — ^that the Hungarian statistics is unreliable, and that 
the returns as to the mother tongue, or nationality^ had been falsified to favOr the 
Magjrar race, some authentic information on the subject ia submitted in Appendix C. 

In an attempt to justify the partition of Hungary the argument has been advanced 

at the minor races (or, rather, some of the minor races) of Hungary have to be "liber- 
ted" from the oppression by the Hungarians. The chaige of racial oppression by 
the Hungarians, however, is not borne out by the facts, for whatever oppression 
there had been in Hungary, had been on class lines and not on racial lines. The 
masses of the Hungarians, or Magyars, had to suffer from it just as much as had the 
masses of the non-Magyars; and whosoever managed to rise above the masses, belonged 
to the ruling classes without regard to race or creed. 

The attitude of the Hungarian Government toward the non-Magyars (who are immi- 
grants or the descendants of immigrants) had been the same as that of our own govern- 
ment toward the non-Eng[lish-speaking immigrants. Perfect equality before the law, 
but no recognition as racial groups or states within the state. What is right if done 
by the American Government in America, surely can not be wrong if done by the 
Hungarian Government in Hungajy. 

As a matter of fact, the Him^arian Government had gone a great deal further in its 
liberalism, for it granted considerable subsidies for the maintenance of the ecclesi- 
astical and educational establishments of the non-Magyar races. There were thou- 
sands of schools In which the language of instruction was other than Himgarian, it 
being stipulated only that the Hungarian language be also taught as a subject of in- 
struction three hours a week. 

In 1917 the Roumanians of Hungary had 5 theological seminaries, 6 preparatory 
schools, 4 colleges, 1 high school, 1 commercial high school, 1 manual-training school, 
and more than 3,000 elementary schools, for the support of which they receivea 
7,767,765 crowns from the Hungarian Government, which in the same year paid them 
also 7,746,533 crowns for the support of their ecclesiastical establishments, or alto- 
gether about 15,000,000 crowns ($3,000,000), ^hlle an equal number of Calvinists, or 



TREATY OP PEACE WITH GERMANY. 979 

Presbyterians — ^an almost purely Magyar community — ^received only 11,000,000 
crowns. 

If we take further into consideration that the Roumanian churches of Hungary 
enjoyed complete autonomy and that the Roumanians in Hungary had also a chain 
of prosperous banks, used to a considerable extent for illedtimate political propa- 
^nda, it must be evident to everyone that the story of racial oppression in Hungary 
IS a malicious falsehood . 

This had been also the prevalent opinion in the English-speaking countries up to 
the conclusion of the entente cordiaie between Great Britain and France, or the 
change of British foreign polic^r from anti-Slavism to philo-Slavism. About that 
time, as if by a hinc from Downing Street, a series of attacks were launched against 
Hungary by Scotus Viator (Mr. Seton Watson) and his followers, casting the shadow 
of the coming world war before it. 

A vindication of the Hungarians from the charge of racial oppression has come 
recently from an entirely unexpected quarter, the supreme council of the principid 
allied and associated powers. It is demanding certain guaranties from the new States 
for tho protection of racial and religious minorities, embodied in articles 7, 8, and 9 
of the treatv with Poland, as published in the newspapers. Anyone familiar with that 
most troublesome of questions, Ibe *' nationality question of Eastern Europe, " will see 
at once that those articles are but an extract from the Hungarian Act 44 of 1868, com- 
monly known as the nationality law. Their essence is: '* Cultural autonomy'' for l^e 
minor races, but only one State and one State lan^age. Roumania refused to sub- 
scribe to those articles. Evidently she does not intend to give her new Hungarian 
subjects the same rights which the Roumanians have enjoyed in Hungary. 

But even if the char^ of racial oppression were true, as it is not, the principle that 
immigrants have the r^ht to invoke the assistance of the country whence they had 
immigrated against their country of adoption, could hardly be reco^^nized by our Gov- 
ernment. On that principle the Germans of Missouri and Wisconsm, in which States 
they were, and perhaps still are, in the majority, could have invoked the help of tbe 
Kaiser for the annexation of those States to Germany, or at least for their *' liberation" 
from American rule. 

It is also to be noted that each of the four neighboring countries of Hungry is strenu- 
ously opposed to submit its claim to the verdict of a plebiscite under fair conditions, 
thus admitting the weakness of its case. Each wants the right of self-determination 
to be applied only to its own race to the exclusion of the Magyars and of other races of 
Himgary, whereas President Wilson, in his address to Congress of February 11, 1918, 
distinctly declared that " Peoples and Provinces are not to be bartered about from 
sovereipity to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game." 

And m his speech to the Diplomatic Corps on the 4th of July of last year President 
Wilson solemnly announced that one of the four ends for which the associated peoples 
of the world «rere fighting was ** the settlement of eveiy (question, whether of terri- 
tory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the 
basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, 
and not upon the basis of material interest or advantage of any other nation or people 
which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or 
mastery." 

It is evident, then, that the partition of Hun^farv on a racial or ethnographic basis 
is not only inexpedient and impracticable, but is also in contradiction to the require- 
ments of justice and morality. 

in. THE RELIGIOUS ASPECT. 

Hungary has been the land of religious liberty par excellence. Although the Haps- 
burgs for three centuries tried to Geimanize and Catholicize Hungary, their efforts 
failed against the indomitable spirit of religious and political liberty of the Hungarians, 
and it IS a remarkable fact that in the various uprising of the Hungarians against 
Hapsburg autocracy the Catholics fought side by side with their Protestant brethren 
for the liberty of conscience. In 1568, when Transvlvania was a separate Hungarian 
principality and not yet under Hapsbuig rule, tne Transylvanian Diet at Torda 
enacted the legal equality of all Christian denominations in tne country, thus creating 
a precedent wnich was followed by western Europe only much later. 

To Hungary fell also the lot of protecting Christianity against the onrush of Turk 
and Tartar, and while through these wars her own progress was retarded, she helped 
the development of Christian civilization in the west of Europe. 

Hungary has to this day remained the eastern bulwark of Protestantism. East and 
south of Hungary there is no Protestantism and hardly any Roman Catholicism; for 
there the Greek Orthodox Church prevails, whose antagonism to western Christianity 
and whose religious intolerance are well known. 



980 TREATY OF PEACB WITH GEBMAKY. 

In Roumania and Serbia the Greek Orthodox Church is the state church, and creed 
and race go there together. Roumania particularly has been notorious for her rel^ous 
intolerance both to the Protestants and the Hebrews. 

When we deal here more particularly with the i&te of the Protestant churches, it is 
for the reason that the Church of Rome has a most admirable international oi^mization 
which can do a great deal for the protection of her adherents. The Protestant 
churches, on the other hand, are national organizations which would be entirely 
disrupted by the partition of Hungary. 

In Hungary proper, accordins; to the census of 1910, there were a little more than 
four million Protestants divided as to denominations as follows: 

Reformed (Presbyterians) 2, 603, 381 

Lutherans 1, 306, 384 

Unitarians 74, 275 

Baptists, Methodists, Adventists, etc 17, 066 

Total 4,001,106 

The Presbyterians and Unitarians are almost exclusively Magyars, the Lutherans 
are about equally divided among the Magyars, Germans, and Slovaks. The Presby- 
terians and the Unitarians have entertained close relations with their brethren m 
Great Britain and the United States for centuries, and the Reformed Church of Hun- 
gary is also a member of the world alliance of churches holding the Presbyterian 
system of government. 

In the 26 counties claimed by Roiunania 1,526,597 people, or 22.3 per cent of the 
population, are Protestants.. In the 15 counties of Transylvania alone there are 
696,089 Trotestantfl, or 26 per cent of the population. 

In the 26 counties there are 25 colleges maintained by, or connected with, the 
Protestant churches, besides a large number of grammar schools and elementary schools. 
All these institutions would be in danger of losing their Protestant character, if not of 
total extinction under Roumanian rule. And counting in tlie losses of the Hun- 
garian Protestant churches in the other territories, which it is proposed to wrest from 
Hui^ary, the remainder of the churches would be practically crippled and unable to 
continue a healthy life, being stripped of more than half oif their educational insti- 
tutions and congregations. 

The Lutheran Church of Hungary would lose at once all of her theological seminaries 
and colleges, those of Sopron, Pozsony, and of Eperjes, institutions that have served 
from the time of the Reformation for the training of her ministers. This same church, 
deprived also of the majority of her adherents, would see her very roots cut off. 

A similar fate would befall the Reformed Church of Hungary. She would lose, 
apart from her law-college at Marmaros-Sziget, the theological seminaries and colleges 
at Sarospatak, Maros-Vasarhely and at Kolozsvar. The latter was founded originally 
by the great Prince Gabriel Bethlen, the victorious ally of Gustavus Adolphus. 
Among tne teachers, who made it famous, we find Alstedius, Bisterfeld, Isaac Basire, 
and other renowned men. The Sarospatak College was founded as a Protestant 
institution at as early a date as 1550, and it was here, that J. A. Comenius, the great 
reformer of education, taught. Alone in her Transylvanian district the Reformed 
Church would lose further 7 colleges, 3 preparatory schools, 1 girls* secondary school, 
•Dei about 600 primary schools. More than a thousand, that is half of the total number, 
of the congregations of the Reformed Church would become scattered under the 
foreign rule of different countries. It need not be said that this would completely 
paralyze this hitherto most numerous unit ol the Calvinistic Church in Europe. 

The Unitarian Church would fare still worse, if possible. In spite of the fact that 
her members are exclusively Magyars, all of her congregations, with the exception 
of three, would come under Roumanian rule. This unit referred to in Britain and in 
America as the oldest one of the Unitarian Church, holding always a leading part in 
the cultivation of liberal thought, would be doomed to complete ruin. And what 
could the Baptists, Methodists, Adventists, and other denominations, less important 
in numbers than on account of their lively missionary activity, except should they 
come under the rule of Roumania and Serba? The prieots of these countries never 
ceased to emphasize that it was disloyal for a Roumanian or a Servian to follow any 
other creed than the Orthodox. 

What this unfortunate situation means for Protestanisni, any one familiar with 
church history will readily understand. It means danger to all the lofty principles 
represented by Protestantism, and it means the triumph of empty rites, ceremonies, 
and priestcraft represented by the Greek Orthodox Church. It means the victory of 
eastern superstitution over the civilization of the West. 

That the spirit of the East is not an imaginary danger to western civilization is shown 
by the fact that one of the first things the Roumanians did after entering Transylvania 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMAKY. 981 

was to arrest and impriaon the bishop, or superintendent, of the Hungarian Reformed 
Church, Charles Nasy, D. D. In many instances, when they occupied an Hungarian 
town, they orderea the clei]f;ymen to offer thanksgivings in the churches. The 
minister or priest who refused to comply with the order was simply thrown into prison. 

And, according to the Manchester Guardian of March 17, 1919, the Roumanian army 
of invasion has made captive some other religious l^ders of Transvlvania, including 
Joseph Ferencz, the Umtarian superintendent, who is 87 years old ; Samuel Barabas 
(Calvinist), Matthias Eisler and Morris Glasner (Hebrew rabbis), Ptof . Alexius Boer 
(Calvinist), and Julius Arkosy (Unitarian inspector of schools). 

In the lights of these facts the refusal of M. Bratianu, the premier of Roumania, to 
subscribe to the guaranties for the protection of racial and religious minorities is net 
difficult to understand. 

The partition of Hungary would sound the deathknell to Protestantism in the east 
of Europe. 

IV. THE ECONOMICAL ASPECT. 

The late French geographer and savant, Prof. Reclus, remarked in one of his books 
that Hungary is the most compact geographical unit in Europe. A glance at the 
map will convince everybodv of the truth of this statement. The Carpathians form 
a solid mountain wall around two-thirds of the country, and for the other third the 
Danube. Drave, Lajta, and Morava Rivers are the natural boundaries. 

The whole country belongs to one hydrographic sj'stem, there being only three 
unimportant streams which do not join the Danube or its tributaries within its 
boundaries. 

It is nch in natural re60iu*ces which, however, are so distributed that the different 
regions are economically interdependent. The great central plain is a most fertile 
grain-producing region, but has practically no timber and minerals. Northern and 
northeastern mingarv is rich in timber, coal, iron ore, and salt, but is a poor agri- 
cultural country, ^utheastem Hungary has natural gas (which indicates the 
presence of oil), coal, salt, copper, gold, and silver mines, but being mostly moun- 
tainous, does not produce sufficient quantities of cereals. Each region needs products 
of which the other regions have a surplus. Separately they can not exist, together 
they form a fine, self- supporting organism. 

The proposed partition of Hungary would leave to her only a part of the central 
plain. 

The only hard-coal mines, those around Petrozseny, would go to Roumania. The 
next best coal mines, in the vicinity of Salgo-Taiian, are coveted by the Czechs; and 
the coal mines in Baranya County are demanded by the Serbians. Hungary would 
retain only the soft-coal mines around Esztergom, which can not produce enough to 
supply the railroads, leaving nothing for heating and the lighting and manufacturing 
plants. 

All the iron-ore fields and the splendid iron works at Diosgyor, Ozd, and other 
places, which owe th^ir development to Hungarian brains and money, would be lost 
to the Czechs. Eighty-six per cent of Hungary's wool industry would go to the 
Czechs and nearly all of the rest to Roumania. The latter country would also get 
more than one-half of Hungury's cellulose and paper factories. 

While more complete statistical data are not at present at our disposal, it is clear 
even from the above facts that the "new Hungary^' would be stripped of practically 
all her resources of raw material and the greater part of her industries. She would 
have no outlet to the sea and, with no natural boundaries, would be condemned to 
economic strangulation by her selfish and imperialistic neighbors. 

It is also worthy of note in this connection that, while Germany was deprived of 
only 10 per cent of her continental territory and that 10 per cent consists of compara- 
tively recent conquests, Hungary is to lose 80 per cent of her territory, all of which 
she liias held for a thousand years. 

Is Hungary, which played a subordinate part in the great drama, to be punished 
eight times as severely as Germany, the chief actor and manager? 

V. THE POLITICAL OR INTERNATIONAL ASPECT. 

Coming to the political aspect of the readjustment of the world's affairs, in its rela- 
tion to the proposed mode of disposal of Hungary's territory, there can hardly be any 
dissent of opinion as to the truism that the permanency and stability of peace de- 
pends to a very large extent on the permanency and stability of the politically organ- 
ized bodies; i. e., States, as they will emerge from the peace treaties. 

The logical sequel of this truism is that m deciding if any political changes ought 
to be made, the first and paramount consideration should be whether the proposed 
changes will add to the permanency and stability of conditions. It seems to oe quite 



982 TREATY OP PEACE WITH GERMANY. 

apparent, therefore, that even though the political status as it existed before and 
during the war should be adjudged as unsatisfactory, no changes should be permitted 
that will make matters worse instead of improving them. 
Applying these truths to Hungary, this question has to be faced: 
Will the interests of mankind and of all involved races, and in particular the in- 
terests of a permanent peace be better served by the disturbing of the territorial, 
historical, political, and economic unity of Hungary and by the substituting for the 
natural boundaries new boundaries that can not do full justice to everybody or to 
anybody, no matter how carefully they are drawn, than by leaving this territorial, 
historical, political, and economic unit undisturbed and by giving a new, truly 
democratic Hungarian Republic an opportunity to assure the free development of 
all races, on the lines laid down by tne allied and associated powers in the treaty 
proposed for Poland and which lines are identical with the fundamental principles 
concerning the protection of racial minorities as incorporated in the laws of Hungary? 
In order to ^et the proper answer to this question, the following undisputable facts 
are to be considered: 

1. As hereinbefore shown, Hungary proved, for over a thousand years, her ability 
to maintain a politically well-organized state in a part of Europe where no other race 
succeeded in that task before. 

2. The goal of Hungary has always bec'>, as it has been demonstrated by her history 
and laws, to be a politically one nation, even though composed of many races, all 
these races to enjoy all liberties and rights as long as they do not conflict with the 
interests of the politically one nation. That this ^oal has been a just one is best proved 
by the fact that in creating new nations the Pans conference tries to enable them to 
reach that very goal. It may be added that whatever errors may have been committed 
by Hungarv in the treatment of her nationalities, whatever wrongs the various races 
may have been complaining of, were solely due to the zeal to realize such t. goal, 
such an ideal. New Hungary certainly profited by the errors of the past and has 
learned that the old ideal must be adapted to the new conditions, to the new thoughts 
dominating the world. 

3. Hungary has given the evidence of centuries of her total lack of imperialistic 
tendencies and of her sole desire to protect her own national existence, with due 
respect for all her neighl^ors and without any designs on any part of their territory. 
This is in sharp contrast with the decidedly imperialistic tendencies of her neighbors, 
all of whom would like to aggrandize theniBelves not only at the cost of Hungary, but 
also at the cost of each other. And inasmuch as the peace of the future demands, 
primarily, the elimination of all imperialism, Hungary s territory can only be saved 
fro 31 becoming the battle field of imperialism by leaving it in care of the only nation 
in that part of Europe which is absolutely free of all taint of imperialism. 

The Claimants of Hungarian territory tiy to overcome this very apparent weakness 
of their political aspirations by pleading that the disruption of Hungary is required: 

(a) In order to establish democracy m that section of Europe, and (6) to erect a 
wall against German imperialism. 

Both pleas are without any real foundation and can easily be disposed of. 

(a) Although the propaganda maintained by Hungary's neighbors in tihis country 
in the last few years exerted all its efforts to make the American people believe that 
the Hungarians are a race of oppressors, real ** Prussians," who have no respect for the 
rights of people, the fact remains and can be proved by all recognized books on his- 
tory in all civilized languages, that no country and no race is better fitted, more able, 
and better prepared to champion the cause of true democracy in eastern and south- 
eastern Europe than Hungary and the Magyars. 

It should not be forgotten that, next to England, Hungary has the oldest constitu- 
tion. It should not be forgotten that, for many centuries-, these two constitutions 
were the only safeguards of peoples' rights against the kings' prerogatives, and so 
really were the forerunners of modern democracy. Neither should it be forgotten 
that, when in the sixteenth century the revival of Roman law in its Pyzantine form 
brought an invasion of ideas of despotism and absolute rule all over Europe and so 
crushed all the free institutions of the mediaeval nations, it left standing alone two 
constitutions, the English constitution and the Hungarian constitution. 

Finally, it should not be forgotten that this very reason caused these two nations 
to be among the last ones to adopt such suffrage laws without which no real democracy 
is possible. History teaches that a period of autocracy led most everynwrhere (we speak 
of Europe, of course) to the establishment of truly democratic institutions. There 
were no periods of autocratic rule of sufiicient length in the history of Hungary to cause 
such changes, and as a result the introduction of modem democracy became a rather 
slow process, which slowness, however, does not reflect upon Hungary's readiness, 
adaptability for real democracy, and does not justify the recent attacks against the 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GKRIiiANY. 983 

Hungatian nation, accusing her of shamming democracy for the hidden purpose of 
perpetuating what the accusers like to call the rule of the aristocratic classes. 

A comparison of Hungary's history with that of her neighbors, of Himgary's laws' 
and institution with those of her neighbors, of the condition of the tillers of the soil 
and of the laboring men in Huneary and in the territories of her neighbors, of Hun- 
gary's civilization with that of ner neighbors, will readily given the only i)ossible 
answer to the question: Which State, which race can best be intrusted with the 
important task of making democracy safe in that part of the world? 

(b) The plea of the Czechs, of Boumania, and Serbia that Hungary must be dis- 
membered so that a solid wall could be erected against all possible future imperialistic 
designs of Germany, is apparently making the deepest impression in not too well 
versed circles, and yet this plea is the most futile, tne most flimsy, the most ludi- 
crous of all. 

History shows that the Hungarian nation has been ever since its conception the 
natural opponent and counterbalancing factor of Germanism. In fact, while com- 
pelled, first by the Turkish peril, and m the second half of the nineteenth century 
by the Russian danger and oy the refusal of the Western Powers to stand by her, 
to accept the EEapsburg rule, Hungary had to keep on and did keep on a continuous 
fight against the tendency of the Hapsburgs to Germanize Hungary and to make 
her an Austrian, and thereby practically a German Province with an autocratic 
government. This attitude of Hungary and of the Magyars deseves all the more 
appreciation in the disposal of Hungary's fate, as it is to be remembered that the 
Croatians and Roumanians of Hungary have always courted the favor of the Haps- 
bur^, not offering any resistance to their Germanizing tendencies, and becoming 
willing tools of their plans of absolutism. 

The Hungarian wall has proved its worth for centuries. A Sla^dc and Roumanian 
wall is an unknown and , therefore, uncertain factor. Only a strong and self-supporting 
Hungary, independent from the German Hapsburgs, can form a securo and stable 
barrier against Germany's " Drang nach dem Osten. " And such a Hungary would do 
more. She would also be an effective bar, and the only poasible bar, against all 
imperialifitic tendencies of her neighbors, which must be considered a very disturbing 
element for the future. 

Furthermore, the Hungarians belong neither to the Teutonic nor the Slavic nor the 
Latin group of races, and seem thus to be destined to form a buffer State amongst them. 

The deeper one delves into the political aspect of the entire situation the more he 
must get convinced that the proposed disintegration of Hungary can not possibly 
ameliorate matters, and that it is the vital interest of mankind, of all involved races, 
and of permanent peace that Hungary should emerge from the present cataclysm as 
a strong, self-supporting State. 

CONCLUSION. > 

To resume, we have established by the foregoing the following facts: 

1. Hungary has existed as a State and a nation for over a thousand years in a terri- 
tory where no other race had been able to establish and maintain a permanent political 
organization. Surely, possession of such length and the demonstration of such political 
capacity ought to secure a clear and undisputable title. 

2. No other country has any claim on any part of Hungary that could be based on 
* * historical rights . ' ' 

3. The distribution of the various races in Hungary positively prevents any terri- 
torial readjustment, by which more homogeneous conditions could be created than 
existed till now. 

4. Hungary has always been the land of religious liberty and tolerance. Roumanian 
and Serbian rule over large parts of Hungary would disrupt the Hungarian Protestant 
Churches and threaten protestantism with extinction in the east of Europe. 

5. Hungary is a natural geographhic and hydrographic unit, to disturb which could 
not possibly help in stabilizing conditions. 

6. Hungary is also a most distinct economic unit, all parts being interdependent. 
Separately they can not exist, together they are a self-supporting organism. 

7. Not only would the cause of peace not be promoted by the partition of Hungary, 
but a new Balkan, or Macedonia, would be created right m the heart of Europe and 
become the source of permanent strife and complications. 

8. Should the foregoing facts and circumstances be considered as of insufficient 
force and importance to bar the claims of neighboring nations, it certainly ought not to 
be permitted to have any part of Hungary placed under a new sovereignty without 
giving the peoples of such parts an opportunity to exercise the right of self-determi- 
nation by plebiscites under fair conditions. 



984 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMAKT. 

9. Hungary ought not to be dismembered in punishment because this would not be 
warranted by Hungary's acts and deeds before and during the war. Not only was she 
not able to keep out of the war, but developments since the armistice justified Hun- 
gary's claim that her existence had been in constant peril. 

We feel that Hungary can be saved from destruction only by America, as the United 
States are the only powerful country which has not been a party to the immoral secret 
treaties upon which the claimants of Hungarian territory are jjressingtheir claims. 

In voicing our protest, therefore, against the proposed partition of Hungary as con- 
trary to the demands of justice and incompatible with the requirements of a just and 
lasting peace, we respectfully ask the Senate of the United States to refuse to have our 
country become a party to the annihilation of a civilized nation. 

Respectfully submitted. 

Hungarian American Federation, 
Henry Baracs, President, 
Eugene PivAny, Secretary. 

Cleveland, Ohio, September i, 1919, 

appendix a. excerpts prom statements of AMERICAN AND BRITISH PUBLIC 

MEN. 

In June, 1849, when Hungary, under the leadership of Louis Kossuth was battling 
heroically asrainst fearful odds for freedom and independence. President Zachary 
Taylor appointed Ambrose Dudley Mann, of Virginia, ** special and confidential 
agent to Hungary," and instructed him to report on conditions in that country with 
the view of acknowledging its independence. .However, the dispatchingof the 
American agent was of no assistance to Hungary which, abandoned bjr the western 
Powers, had to succumb to the combined attacks of the two greatest military powers 
of the age, Austria and Bussia. 

In his message, dated March 28, 1850, transmitting the correspondence relating to 
Mann's mission to the Senate, President Taylor wrote as follows: 

My purpose, as freely avowed in this correspondence, was to have acknowledged 
the independence of itungary had she succeeded in establishing a government de 
facto on a basis sufficiently permanent in its character to have justified me in doing 
so, according to the usuages and settled principles of this Government, and although 
she is now fallen, and many of her gallant patriots are in exile or in chains, I am free 
still to declare that had she been successful in the maintenance of such a government 
as we could have recognized, we should have been the first to welcome her Into the 
family of nations." 

As Congressman Henry J. Steele, of Pennsylvania, recently said in a public speech, 
had Hungary then not been abandoned to her fate, the development of democracy in 
Central and Eastern Europe would have taken a different turn, and it would not hiave 
been necessary in 1917 "to make the world safe for democracy" by a sanguinary war. 

The American agent sent to Hungary also felt that the abandonment of Hungary at 
that critical juncture was a fatal mistake. In his report to Washington, dated Vienna, 
September 27, 1849, he &aid: 

" In not formally expressing her disapproval of the policy avowed in the manifesto of 
Nicholas of 14th May last, Great Britain either misconceived the nature of the pbli- 
gations imposed upon her as the most liberal and enlightened of the European powers 
or was ignorant of the principles and interest involved in the issue. Had she pro- 
claimed in emphatic language within 24 hours after this manifesto reached Downing 
Street that she was prepared to resist an armed intervention by any power adverse to 
Hungary, the Czar would scarcely have had the termerity to march his army across his 
frontiers. The deplorable omission of such duty changes completely the relations of 
power in European States." 

Autocracy naving been victorious, Louis Kossuth, the champion of European 
democracy, was interned in Asia Minor. In 1851 he was liberated, mainly through the 
efforts of Daniel Webster, and brought to the United States in a national vessel as the 
guest of the nation. 

Daniel Webster, then Secretary of State for the second time, whose celebrated 
Htilsemann letter had nearly led to war with Austria on account of Hungary, was the 
principal American speaker at the congressional banquet tendered in honor of Kossuth 
in Washington, January 5, 1852. 

"It is remarkable," he said in the course of his speech, "that, on the western 
coasts of Europe, political light exists. There is a sun in the political firmament, and 
that sun sheds his light on those who are able to enjoy it. But in eastern Europe, gen- 
erally speaking, and on the confines between eastern Europe and Asia, there is no 
political sun in the heavens. It is all an Arctic Zone of political life. The luminary 
that enlightens the world in general seldom rises there above the horizon. The 
light Which they possess is at best crepuscular, a kind of twilight, and they are 



TBEATT OF PRAOB WITH GERMANY. 985 

under the necearity of groping about to catch, as they may, any stra^ gleams of the 
light of day. Gentlemen, the country of which your guest to-night is a native is a 
remarkable exception. She has shown through her whole history, for many hun- 
dreds of years, an attachment to the principles of civil liberty, and of law and of 
order, and obedience to xhe constitution which the will of the great majority have 
established. That is the fact, and it ought to be known wherever the question of 
the practicability of Hungarian liberty and independence are discussed. It ought 
to be known that Hungary stands out crom it above her neighbors in all.that respects 

free institutions, constitutional government, and a hereditarv love of liberty. 

« * « * . * " * * 

''Gentlemen, my sentiments in regard to this effort made by Hungary are here 
-sufficiently well expressed. In a memorial addressed to Lord John Russell and Lord 
Palmerston, said to have been written by Lord Fitzwilliams and signed by him and 
several other Peers and members of Parliament, the following language ia used, the 
object of the memorial being to ask the mediation of England in favor of Hungary: 

* * * While 80 many of the nations of Europe have engaged in revolutionary movements, 
and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still more doubtful success, it 
is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to assure your lordships that the Hunga- 
rians demand nothing but the recognition of ancient rights and the stability and 
integrity of their ancient constitution. To your lordships it can not be unknown 
that that constitution bears a striking family resemblance to that of our own country. ' " 

** Gentlemen, the progress of things is unquestionably onward. It is onward with 
respect to Hungary. It is onward everywhere. Public opinion, in my estimation 
at least, is making great progress. It will penetrate all resources, it will come more 
or less to animate all minds, and in respect to that country, for which our sympathies 
to-night have been so strongly invoked, I can not but say that I think the people of 
Hungary are an enlightened, industrious, sober, well-inclined community, and I 
wish only to add, that I do not now enter into any discussion of the form of government 
v^rhich may be proper for Hungary. Of course, all of you, like myself, would be glad 
to see her, when she becomes independent, embrace that system of government wnich 
is most acceptable to ourselves. We shall rejoice to see our American model upon 
the lower Danube, and on the mountains of Hungary. But that is not the first step. 
It is not that which will be our first prayer for Hungary. That first prayer shall be 
that Hungary may become independent of all foreign power, that her destinies may 
be entrusted to her own hands, and to her own discretion. I do not profess to under- 
stand the social relations and connections of races that may affect the public institu- 
tions of Hungary. All I say is that Hungary can regulate these matters for herself 
infinitely better than they can be regulated for her by Austria, and therefore, I limit 
my aspirations for Hungary for the present to that single and simple point. 

"Hungarian independence, Hungarian control of Hungarian destinies, and 
Hungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe.'' 

But let us turn to more recent utterances of authors still Uving. Mr. Archibald R. 
Colquhoun in his book entitled The Whirlpool of Europe, published by Dodd, Mead 
& Co. in 1914 (which is by no means too friendly to Hungary), wrote under the caption 
Slav and Magyar, as follows: 

** Although modified in appearance, in customs, and in character by the people 
they have assimilated, the Mavgars have retained, throughout all vicissitudes, an 
extraordinary homogeneity. Hungary has been a sovereign nation and a kingdom 
since 1000 A. D., and has never owed allegiance to any monarch who has not been 
affirmed and crowned by her estates. Moreover, the Hungarian is the only complete 
nation under the Austrian crown. Even Bohemia, claiming similar historic rights, 
does not occupy the same position. Her pBople are not intact; Czechs are living 
under Prussian rule, Czech territory has been reduced by the conquest of neighboring 
states. Moreover, there is within Bohemia a second nation, the Grermans, with eciual 
rights to the Czechs. Their position is, therefore, constitutionally different from 
that of Hungary as a free sovereign state and nation. The rest of the peoples under 
Austrian rule are detached fragments of nations, remnants of ancient states." 

In the chapter on Hungary and the Hungarians, Mr. Colquhoun continues: 

"The Magyars, as said already, occupy a unique position in the dual monarchy, 
not only politically but racially, because they are an entire and homogeneous nation. 
The undeniable fact that they are by no means a pure race, but have assimilated other 
peoples, and have undergone physical and mental modifications in consequence, 
does not detract from their position. liike the United States (on a much larger scale) 
this little nation has been strong enough to stamp its individuality on alien peoples." 

******* 

''It is stated that it is better for a stranger to address the middle and lower class 
people in French or English first, not with the expectation of being understood, but 



986 TREATY OF PBACE WITH GEBMANY. 

as a passport to favor, after which he may get the desired information in German. 
Although this is mainly the result of a policy of Magsrarization, there is an element 
at work in producing it which is more tnan mere State policy or compulsion. It is 
agreed by many foreigners livine in Hun^uy that there is a contagion about the 
nationalist ajspiration which ia almost irresistible. In no country in the world are 
there to be seen so many divers races making one (despite local jealousies) in their 
support of Hungarian national tradition, and all are as vehement in their advocacy 
of Hungarian independence as the Magyars themselves. Jews and Germans swell 
with patriotic pride over their "ancient constitution,'' and more than one instance 
could oe cited of Hungarian patriots (some well known as the exponents of the Magyars 
to Europe) who have not one drop of Magyar blood. 

"The contagion, the attraction, are in Magyar people themselves, and surely in 
this magic quality lies the secret of their success. The magnetic force they exercise 
is doine work which mere coercion or maneuvering could not accomplish. Elements 
of weakness, of unevenness, and of danger there are, but the core of the matter, the 
character of the true Ma^ar, is not only sound, but is displaying that most valuable 
and intangible of Qualities — ^the power of attraction and assimilation.'' 

But the standard book on Hungary is the Political Evolution of the Hungarian 
Nation, by the Hon. CM. Knatchbull-Husessen, published in two volumes by the 
National Review office, London, in 1908, which no one who wants to judge the case 
of Hungary intelligently can afford not to know. 

German scholars have a reputation for thoroughness in research work, not even the 
most insignificant details escaping their attention in collecting material. But it 
takes an Englishman (or a Frenchman) to sift the essential from the nonessential and 

f resent the often contradictory evidence in a way which will not confuse the reader, 
t is this rare gift of clear vision and sober judgment which makes the work of the 
Hon. G. M. KnatchbuU-Hugessen so valuable. 
The following quotations are from the last chapter of his book: 
"British public opinion has apparently arrived at the conclusion that the Magyars 
are consistently guilty of the employment of methods of barbarism in their treatment 
of suborduiate races. Trial by newspaper, condemnation without investigation, are 
such labor-saving processes that their employment is naturally popular, more espe- 
ciaJly when the means of forming a considered opinion are not easily accessible. The 
Magyars are themselves largely to blame for the fact that judgment has been allowed 
to be passed on them on the ex parte statements of self-interested agitators and of 
humanitarian philosophers and that they are left to console themselves with the 
conviction that the abuse of which they are made the target is begotten of ignorance 
of actual facts, of past history, and of the vital considerations of national expediency. 
The problem presented by the persistence of minor nationalities is not confined to 
Hungary, but affects a large part of Europe, from Ireland to Bessarabia, and the 
measure of the abuse lavished by the spectator of the process of absorption, which is 
going on as slowly and as surely now as in the past, ib in inverse proportion to the 
magnitude of the absorbing nation. What Russia had done with impunity would 
have evoked the thunders of Exeter Hall if perpetrated by a weaker country. Wres- 
chen passes almost unperceived^ while a petty Slovak village earns European noto- 
riety through the disturbances resulting from the dismissal of a disorderly priest. 
The Irishman and the Pole have a recent historical basis for their claims to inde- 
pendent existence, as well as the justification of antiquity, which is wanting in the 
case of the fragmentary nationalities of Hungary. 

"The aboriginal population of what is now Hungary — scattered incohesive tribes 
incapable of resisting Magyar arms or, later, Magyar civilization — died out or was 
absorbed by the superior race. The process of civilization was purely Magyar. The 
development of governmental institutions proceeded along purely Magyar lines and 
bore hardly a trace of either Slav or, save for the fact that Latin was the literary me- 
dium, of western influence. As we have seen, the mass of the existing nationalities 
was imported or filtered into the country long alter it had received a permanent 
Majgyar stami)— ^-desirable or imdesirable aliens, who in most cases repaid the hospi- 
tality they received by lending themselves to the disruptive policy of the Hapsbur^. 
The disappearance or absorption of the abori^nes was due^not to fire or sword or vio- 
lent compulsion but to the essential superiority of the Magyar nation; so con\inced 
of that superiority that it never saw the necessity of Magyarizing races which in the 
early days, having no conscious feeling of individuality, would have been as wax 
to receive the permanent impress of Magyar nationality. The gates were opened 
wide to European culture from the time of St. Stephen, whose maxim, "regnum unius 
linguae uniusque moris debile et imbecille," show shis recognition of the fact that the 
only language and civilization which had hitherto counted for anjiihing in Himgary 
was the Magyar, as well as his appreciation of the benefits derivable from contact 
with the west. There is no approximately pure race in Europe except the Basque, 
the Jews, and the Gypsies, but there are many countries in which the factors have 



TBEATY OF PEACE WITH GERMANY. 987 

existed which produce the fusion of heterogeneous elements into a single nation-^ 
coimnon recollection of dangers surmounted, common religion, and common civiliza- 
tion. Such factors were largely wanting in Hungary. The dangers simnounted 
were surmounted by the Magyars, who alone did the fighting, the bearing of arms in 
defense of the fatherland being the privilege of the nobility. There was no common 
history, for history was made solely by the Magyars. There was no commimity of 
religion, as St. Stephen turned to Rome for the national religion instead of to the 
Eastern Church, thereby, in all probability, saving the Ma^ars from degeneration 
to the level of the Balkan races and from ultimate absorption in the ocean of Slavdom. 
** Civilization, such as it was. was purely Magyar, ana all governmental institutions 
"were directly developed from the germ evolved by the Magyar national genius before 
the great migration westwards. The races imported into Hungary at a later date 
arrived too late to alter accomplished facts even if they hadpossessed a far higher 
degree of civilization than any of them had in fact attained. What they chiefly cared 
for T^as freedom to exercise their various religions, and such freedom they received 
at the hands of Hungary, the land par excellence of religious tolerance. The better 
class aliens received the rights of nobility or became fused in the Magyar nation. 
The inferior elements remained apart, in a condition neither better nor worse than 
that of the ^at mass of Magyar peasants, and had little or no consciousness of dis- 
tinctive nationality, or power to resist a deliberate policy of magyarization, had such 
a policy ever entered the heads of the predominant race, which, unfortunately, it 
never did. Unfortunately for the reason that successive Hapsburgs were enabled 
to utilize the forces of ignorance for the purposes of their traditional policy of divide 
ut imperes — of centralization and absolutism. For the existence of hostility to the 
Magyar idea, tentative and embryonic before 1848, the Magyars have to thank, in the 
first place, their own consciousness of a superiority which made deliberate magyar- 
ization superfluous, and, in the second places, the Hapsburg connection. There never 
has been any recognized citizenship in Hungary but Magyar citizenship. Though 
fromi time to time the Hapsburgs encouraged the separatistic tendencies of the Serb, 
the Croat, the Saxon, and the Slovak, the fact remains that from the time of St. Stephen 
to the present day there has been and is no territory in Hungary but the territory 
of the Sacred Crown. Austria made a last attempt to produce, a mongrel federalism 
in Hungary in 1861, and now itself suffers from the poison of particularism of nation- 
alistic antagonism which the Hapsburgs so long tried to infuse into Hungary for their 
own purposes. " 

*' Nothing can be more misleading than the majority of the maps which purport to 
show the geographical distribution of the constituent races of Hungary. The broad, 
uniform smudges of color which indicate that this part is Magyar, this Boumanian, 
this Serbian, &is Slovak, and so on, and servA as a text for the dis(][uisitions of the 
prophets of federalism, obscure the fact that the various races are so intermingled in 
all parts of the country, and so interspersed with Maygars, that it is impossible to 
effect clear-cut geographical subdivisions for f ederalistic purposes such as are possible 
in Bohemia, where the country is peopled by only two races, the Germans and the 
Czechs, between wh'^m the lines of demarcation are comparatively easily drawn. A 
glance at the map appended to the recent book of Mr. Ernest Baloghy (A Magyar 
Kultura 6s a Nemzetis^gek, Budapest, 1908) would do more to disperse erroneous 
notions as to racial distribution than many pages of statistics. Minute scjuares of 
color, showing the interpenetration of the nationalities, replace the familiar broad 
smudges, and the result bears as much resemblance to the ordinary ethnographical 
map of Hungary as a pheasant's plumage does to the tricolor. The great central 
plain of the Danube and the Tisza is almost solidly Magyar, as is the eastern part of 
Transylvania; elsewhere, except in the Serbo-Croatian district south of the Szava, 
the patchwork diversity of color points an unmistakable moral — ^the impossibility of 
a territorial subdivision for purposes of local autonoiry, which would not result in 
the subjection of Magyar and German intelligence to inferior types, whose sole claim 
to political differentiation lies in the fact that they speak a bastard variety of the 
languages of more important races. The Magyar element is wanting in not one of 
413 electoral divisions; the German only in 37. Slovaks are absent from 211, Rou- 
manians from 235, Croatians 344, Serbians from 361. Ruthenes are to be found in 
57 divisions, and fragments of other races in no less than 360. As regards the 18 
divisions of what Brote and other agitators regard as Roumania irredenta — ^Transyl- 
vania and Hungary up to the Tisza — the Roumanians are in an actual majority in 
only 11. Magyars and Germans form over 37 per cent of the population; and in no 
single district in which the Roumanians are in the majority is there an admixture 
of less than 11 per cent of other nationalities. Thougn the Magyars constitute no 
more than 54^ per cent of the whole population of Hungary proper, they are more 
than three times as numerous as the numerically strongest nationality, whereas the 
•German population of Austria forms no more than 38 J per cent of the inhabitants 
of the hereditary Provinces. Between the subordiante races liiere is no cohesion or 



988 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEEMAKY. 

solidarity; the Magyar is the onlv binding element. PanfilaviBm, Pangermanism. 
and Panroumanism have alterated from time to time, and in every case the source 
of agitation was to be found outside the limits of Hungary. Roumanians and Slovaks 
have nothing in common. The Roumanian hates the Serbian, and the Serbian the 
Roumanian.'^' 

APPENDIX B. BOUMANIa'S TERRITORIAL CLAIMS. 
[From a treatise entitled "Roumania in Hongaiy/' by Eugene Pivany.] 

Roumania's claim to Hunwian territory is based in the fii it place on the principle 
of priority of occupation. It is not disputed that the Hunirarians had conquered 
Hungary a thousana years ago, Lave built up a state there and have held the country 
for a thousand years. It is claimed, however', that before the migration of nations 
Transylvania and other parts of Hungary had been the home of the Daco-Romans. 
and it is fiurther claimed that the Vlachs or Vallachians — these are the appellations 
by which the Roumanians had been known until recently — a.e the descendants of 
those Daco-Romans. 

Apart from the fact that the theory of the Daco-Roman origin of the Vlache has 
been proved to be false, the principle of the priority of occupation has never been 
defined in the Law of Nations. How many years of occupation is required to estab- 
lish a valid title to a country? One hundrea years, or five hundred years, or more? 
If occupation for a thousand years is not acknowledged to be a valid title to a country, 
then we may be calledupon some day to relinquish our title to Texas, and California, 
and other parts of the United States in favor of Mexico, or Spain, or the Indians, and 
the whole map of Europe may have to be made over, too. And it is certainly the 
height of absiu-dity to go back for a title to a country to a period before the migration 
of the nations even if the continuity of the race dispossessed by several subsequent 
conquerors could be proved,, which in the case of the Vlachs or Roumanians can not 
be proved. 

The theory of the Daco-Roman origin of the Vlachs was conceived in the mind of 
Bonfinius, an Italian humanist, living at the court of Matthias Corvinus, King of 
Hungary, who was one of the greatest patrons of the sciences and arts in the fifteenth 
century. Bonfinius apparently got his idea from a superficial reading and mis- 
interpretation of lordanes^s history, but he did not go into any deeper examination 
of the subject, and the theory was soon forgotten. In the first half of the nineteenth 
century, u^ider the spell of the nationalistic revival caused by the Napoleonic wars, 
George Sinkay, an Hungarian of Vlach descent, took up Bonfinius *s iaea, and with 
considerable ingenuity evolved a fanciful theory of the descent of the Vlachs from 
the Daco-Romans. 

This stimulated research by historians and philologists of other nationalities, notably 
the late Prof. Paul Hunfalvy , a savant of international fame, Benedict Jancs6, I^adislaus 
R6thy, and others, and it was finally established, and admitted even by Roumanian 
historians, that the theory is untenable. The legions employed by Trajan and his 
successors to subdue the Dacians came mostly from Spain and Asia Minor, that is, 
they were not of Roman blood; the Lower Moesia referred to by lordanes was south of 
the Danube (on the Balkan Peninsula), not north of the Danube (Transylvania); 
and all evidence pointed to the fact that the Vlachs were Balkan Slavs who had become 
latinized in their speech some time between the fifth and tenth centuries. The great 
influence of lUyrian on the Vlach language makes it probable that the latter originated 
near the Adriatic shore. Thence the Vlachs, who are described by all Byzantine 
authors as goatherds and thieves, gradually pressed northeastward and crossed the 
Danube into What was called in Hungarian documents of the thirteenth century 
Cumania, later Transalpina or Ungro-VIachia, viz, the present Vallachia, which was 
then a dependency of Hungary and is now the southern part of the Roumanian King- 
dom. They gradually filtered or sneaked also into Transylvania and other parts of 
Hungary. 

There is no evidence whatever that at the time of the conquest and settlement 
of Hungary by the Hun^rians there were any Vlachs in Transylvania at all. The 
first mention of Vlachs in an Hungarian document was in the thirteenth century, 
and in 1293 their number was still so small that it was proposed to settle them all on 
one crown estate. 

All indirect evidence, for instance, that of the geographical names, is also against 
the Transylvanian origin of the Vlachs. The old names of mountains, rivers, and 
places are of Slavic or of Hungarian derivation, or else they belong to some prehistoric 
language. The Roumanian geographical names now in use in Transylvania are of 
comparatively recent origin, and are generally translations or corruptions of the Slavic 
or HWgarian appellations. 

Could there be a more conclusive proof of the fallacy of the theorjr of the Transyl- 
vanian origin of the Roumanians than that they have borrowed their very name of* 
Transylvania from the Hungarians? They call that country Ardeal, which has no 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMAIS^Y. 989 

meaniiig whatever in the RoumaaiaQ language, being merely a corruption of the Hun- 
garian Erdely, which is a contraction of the older form Erdo-elve, meaning Transyl- 
vania, or the land beyond the forest. If it were true that they had been there before 
the Hungarians, they surely would have had a name for that country, and would have 
preserved it at least in their traditions. 

Likewise they have no Roumanian name for the little town which stands on the site 
of Sarmisegethusa, the royal seat of Decebalus, King of Dacia. Is it now called 
Gredifltye (Slavic) and Varhely (Hungarian), both names meaning "Buigsite.** 

Roumanian propagandist arbtitrarily give Roumanian names to Hungarian places, 
rivers, etc. For instance, they call Kolozsvar, a thoroughly Hungarian city, Cluj, 
the river Koros is Krish for them, and their propaganda writings they speak of the 
Maramouresh (which means the Hungarian County of Marmaros), the Krishana 
(which means nothing at all), and of the Banat of Temesvar as if they were separate 
Provinces, of course Roumanian Provinces stolen from the civilized Roumanians by 
the wicked Hungarians. All these regions have been integral parts of Hungary for a 
thousand years. 

Transylvania, indeed, had been separated from Hungary for a considerable time, 
but even then she was a Hungarian principality, the Piedmont of Hungary. Gabriel 
Bethlen and Francis Rakoczi II, who led the revolts of Hungarians against the Haps- 
bufgs in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, were princes of Transylvania. 
The princes of Transylvania did also a great deal for shedding the light of civilization 
in Vallachia where up to modem times unspeakable conditions prevailed. For 
instance, one of the Rakoczis had the Bible translated into the Vlach language, and 
sent missionaries into Vallachia to teach the ignorant Vlach priests. 

The Roumanians hold the world record for principicide, or the assassination of 
princes, with Serbia — ^whose record in this regard is not to be despised, either — ^a bad 
second. By far the greater part of the Vallachian voyvodes, or ruling princes, died 
violent deaths. Some of them managed to escape their subjects and place themselves 
under the protection of Hungary. Life in Vallachia seems to have been just one 
assassination after another. The historian Anthonius Verantius, writing toward the 
end of the sixteenth century, remarked that "the Vlachs are in the habit of murdering 
their voyvodes secretly or publicly. It is considered remarkable if a voyvode reaches 
the third year of his voyvodeship; some times the Vlachs dispose of two or three 
voyvodes in a couple of years." 

In the history of Hungary of a thousand years not one regicide has occurred. This 
fact alone speaks volumes for the respective political capacities of tne three races. 
Yet in the proposed Balkanization or Macedonization of Hungary the Hungarians are 
to be eliminated as political factors in the favor of races with such records. How this 
can make for peace and democratic development, and not for chaos and war, it is 
difficult to see. * 

The second basis of the Roumanian claims to Hungarian territory is the right of self- 
determination. They point out that in several counties in southeastern Hungary the 
Roumanians are in the majority, which is quite true. But it is also true that those 
countries form no contiguous territor)^, and that right on the border between Hungary 
and Roumania there are three adjoining counties almost purely Hungarian, to the 
south of which there are large Saxon settlements. It is impossible to cut out any 
lar^e unbroken territory for Koumania without incorporating large minorities :ti Hun- 
^nans and Germans, whom it would be unjust to subject to Roumanian rule, because 
m point of education, wealth, and everything that counts for civilization they are far 
superior to the Roumanians. The Roumanians want the ri^ht of self-determination 
applied merely to the Roumanian part of the population, which, as has been shown, 
is in the minori ty , taking the 26 counties claimed as a whole. The right of self-determi- 
nation can be exercit'ed only through a plebiscite, and to this the Roumanians are 
strongly opposed, admitting thus the weakness of their case. 

A third argument advanced by the Roumanian propagandists is the "liberation" of 
the Roumanians from Hungarian oppression. The charge of racial oppression by the 
Hungarians, however is not borne out by the facts, for whatever opm'ession there had 
been in Hungary had been on class lines and not on racial lines. The masses of the 
Hungarians or Magyars had to suffer from it just as much as had the masses of the 
non-Magyars; and whosoever managed to rise above the masses belonged to the 
ruling classes without regard to race or creed. 

The attitude of the Hungarian Government toward the non-Magyars — ^who are immi- 
grants or the descendants of immigrants — had been the same as that of our own Govern- 
ment toward the non-English-speaking immigrants: Perfect equality before the law 
• but no recognition as racial ^oups or States within the State. What is right if done by 
the American Government m America surely can not be wrong if done by the Hun- 
garian Government in Hungary. 

As a matter of fact, the Hungarian Government had gone a great deal further in its 
liberalism, for it granted considerable subsidies for the maintenance of the ecclesiastical 



990 TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMAKY. 

and educational establishments of the non-Magyar races. There were thousands of 
schools in which the langiiajB;e of instruction was other than Hungarian, it beinp stipu- 
lated only that the Hungarian language be also taught as a subject of instruction tlu^ee 
hoiurs a week. 

In 1917 the Roumanians of Hungary had five theoloncal seminaries, six preparatory 
schools, four colleges, one h^h school, one commercial high school, one manual-train- 
ing school, and more than 3,000 elementary schools, for the support of which they re- 
ceived 7,767,765 crowns from the Himganan Government which, in the same year, 
paid them also 7,746,533 crowns for the support of their ecclesiastical establishments, 
or altogether about 15,000,000 crowns — $3,000,000 — ^while an equal number of Cal- 
vinists, or Presbyterians — an almost purely Magyar community — ^received only 
11,000,000 crowns. 

If we take further into consideration that the Roumanian churches of Hungary 
enjoyed complete autonomy and that the Roumanians in Hungary had also a splendid 
chain of prosx)erous banks used to a considerable extent for ill^timate x>olitical 
propaganda, it must be evident lo everyone that the story of racial oppression in 
Hungary is a malicious falsehood. 

Tluit the Roumanians do not possess the Hungarian spirit of liberality was proved 
once more by M. Bratianu, the Premier of Roumania, when he left the peace confer- 
ence because he would not subscribe to the guaranties for the protection of racial 
and religious minorities demanded from all new or enlarged States by the supreme 
council of the principal allied* and associated powers. It is evident tnat Roumania 
does not intend to accord the same rights to ner future Hungarian subjects as the 
Roumanians have enjoyed in Hungary, for the guaranties demanded are modeled 
after the Hungarian act 44 of 1868, commonly known as the nationality law, which, 
by the way, is an unex})ected vindication of Hungary from the charge of racial oppres- 
sion by the supreme council of the principal allied and associated powers. 

But even if the charge were true, as it is not, the principle that immigrants have 
the right to invoke the assistance of the country whence they had immigrated against 
their country of adoption, could not be recognized by our Government. On that 
principle the Germans of Missouri and Wisconsin, in which States they were, and 
perhaps still are, in the majority, could have invoked the help of the Kiiser for the 
annexation of those States to Germany. 

Finally there is the sentimental appeal for the union or, as some propagandists are 
pleased to say, the reunion of all Roumanians in one body politic. Of Course, to speak 
of the reunion of all Roiunanians is sheer humbug and mendacity, for what has never 
been united before can not be reunited. As to the union of all Roumanians it is 
hardly an object, the accomplishment of which would be in the interest of civilization. 
Tlie proposed imion would not be conrplete, anyway, for hundreds of thousands of 
Roumanians in Bessarabia and on the Balkan Peninsula would be left outside of it. 
And the restricted union as planned could be accomplished only by the disunion, or 
splitting up, of the Hungarians, a race far superior in civilization, religious and racial 
tolerance and political capacity to the Roumanians, thereby calling forth a new and 
more dangerous irredentism than any hitherto known. 

So from' whatever angle we examine the claims of Roumania to Hungarian territory, 
we find that they are not justified on any of the principles or pleas advanced. 

APPENDIX 0. THE AUTHENTICITY OP THE HUNGARIAN CENSUS. 

(Extract from a statement made by Mr. Aloysius Kov^, LL. D., Secretary of tlie Hungarian statisticul 

office, In Budapest.] 

The census takers had been everywhere first of all the teachers, having been obliged 
by the census law to act in that capacity. From the year 1910 we have no information, 
but in 1900 of the 30,650 census takers 15,111 were teachers. In tiie same year the 
number of all the male teachers in the country was 20,970. Hence three-fourths of 
the teachers had taken part in the enumeration. In 1910 their number must have 
been still great-er, on the one hand, because the town teachers were also obliged to 
take part, on the other hand because the village notaries have been superintendents 
and thus could not act as census takers. In non-Hungarian regions naturally the 
census takers were mostly non-Hungarian teachers and clergymen. 

After the assortment oi the census material, too, when the results for the individual 
communities were at hand, the statistical office has taken special paiuB to obtain the 
data of the mother tongue a faithful picture of reality. To this end, it has compared 
the data of the single communities with the results of the former census, and if the 
differences were striking, explanations were demanded from ihe respective communal * 
or district authorities. After such informations either the data were accepted for 
true or, as it often happened, the erroneous entries were corrected through com- 
missioned officials by consulting the people of the place. The correspondence and 
minute books referring to it may be still inspected. 



TREATY OF PEACE WITH GERMANY. 931 

Thus the statistical office has done all that was possible to obtain true data as to the 
mother tongue. But, in spite of all carefulness and precaution, both at the recording 
>and at the etaboration, smaller mistakes might have crept in, just as it happens in 
JAll demographical enrollments, in recording age, occupation, denomination, etc., 
.•be it the most perfect census method of the world. It is important, however, to 
. notice that such little blunders, being committed for and against, in the last result 
I balance each other. 

But the objections brought forth against the authenticity of the census can he 
refuted by the census itself as well as by other records of the statistical office. The 
•chief ob jeiction is against the number of the Hungarians. It is stated that the statistical 
number of the Himgarians is put higher than their number in reality is by entering 
-everybody who speaks Hungarian into the class of those whose mother tongue is 
Hungarian. This is refuted by the datum of 1,875,789 souls who speak Hungarian 
^thout having it for their mother tongue. The niunber of those who know Hungarian 
is published also (in Magyar Statisztikai Kdzlem^nyek, vol. 42)according to communi- 
ties. In this publication anyone can see that the number of those who know Hun- 
garian does not a£;ree with the number of those whose mother tongue is Hungarian. 
Exceptions are only some far out-of-way communities. The above objection is refuted 
also by the data referring to the knowledge of languages. According to the detailed 
results of liie census the niunber of: 

Hungarians knowing German was 1, 254, 410 

Germans knpwing Hungarian was '. 756, 970 

Hungarians knowing Slovak was 547, 130 

Slovaks knowing Hungarian was 417, 300 

Hungarians knowing Roumanian was 400, 090 

Boumanians knowing Hungarian was 373, 820 

Hungarians knowing Ruthenian was 49, 841 

Ruthenians knowing Hungarian was 64, 915 

Himg^urians knowing Croatian and Serbian was 178, 508 

Oroatians and Servians knowing Hungarian was 178, 985 

Except the German, in the other languages there is but little difference between 
the nimiber of Hungarians speaking a non-Hungarian tongue and that of the non- 
Hungailans speaking Hungarian. The number of Hunganans speaking German is 
larger than that of the Germans speaking Hungarian because in Hungary Germsm is, 
to a certain extent, also the language of international and commercial intercoiu'se. 
These figures prove that the languages mutually spoken mutually equal each other. 
That is, supposing the Hungarians speaking also Roumanian to be really Roumaniaiis 
and the Rumanians speaking also Hungarian really to be Himgarians, by this their 
proDortions would not change. 

line correctness of the nationalistic data is proved also by the religious census in 
divisions where race and creed are most identical. In the i5 Transylvania counties 
the denominational and nationalistic statistics in comparison ;s this: 

There are: 

Roman Catholics, Calvinists, Unitarians, and Israelities, altogether 906, 460 

Hungarians 918, 217 

Lutherans 229, 028 

Germans • 234, 085 

Greek Catholics and Greek orientals 1, 542, 268 

Roumanians and others (mostly gypsies) 1, 52?. 065 

In the division of the confluence of the Tisza and Maros there are: 

Greek Catholics and Greek orientals together 1, 160, 581 

Rumanians and Serbans together 1, 136, 284 

In the county of Szilagy there are: 

Greek Catholics and Greek orientals together 142, 542 

Roumanians, Ruthenians, Serbans and "others " together 138, 280 

Thus the denominational proportions justify the percentage of the nationalties. 
This congruence of the denominational and nationalistic data can be traced and 
proved from community to community. 

In disputing the correctness of the Hungarian census data the Roumanians used to 
refer to their own church lists which are claimed to give a much higher number than 
the official statistics. On this basis it is supposed to find 3,600,000 or even 4,000.00C 
Roumanians in Hungary against the official number of 2,948,000. 

How untenable this claim is can be shown from the work of a distinguished Rou- 
manian author, Nicolae Mazere, professor at Jassy. M. Mazere, in his work ^^Karta 
Etnografica Transilvanici,'' of 1909, has drawn an ethnographical map of Transyl- 
vania according to communities, and, thinking the Hungarian data unreliable, he 



992 



TBEATY OF PEACE WITH GEBMANY, 



wished to uae the church lists. But in the introduction of his work he is compelled 
to confess that ^* the church lists — ^the only Roumanian sources at disposal — are entirely 
impossible to use." (Ibidem, p. 12.) After having reviewed the shortcomings of 
the church lists he savs: '^This I do not write for the sake of mere criticism but in 
order to prove that the church lists can not serve as basis for a scientific woilc.'' 
(lb., p. 13.) Therefore, in composing his ethnographical map he follows the records 
of the official Hungarian statistics, and has to confess that ''this map will cause some 
disappointment among the Roumanians, because the Roumanians have imagined 
Transylvania to be far less Hungarian. " (lb., p. 13.) 

The nationalistic relations of the country are not known to the statistical office 
from the census alone. The office gathers information on the mother tongue vearly 
from demographical papers and from school statistics. These data coU««ted after 
personal declarations, confirm in every respect the results of tiie census, and they are 
all the more reliable as they can be compared in every community with the census data . 

The census gives the following nationalistic percentages: 

Hungarians 54. 5 

Germans 10. 4 

Slovaks 10.7 

Roumanians 16. 1 

Euthenians 2.5 

Croatians 1.1 

Serbians 2. 5 

Others 2.2 

Total 100.0 

in the same census year, in 1910, the proportion of the brides and brid^rooms. 
and the births and deaths according to mother tongue was as follows: 



Hungarians. 

Germans 

Slovaks 

Rumanians. 
Ruthenians. 
Croatians . . . 

Servians 

Others 



Total. 



Bride- 
grooms. 


Brides. 


Bom 
alive. 

54.2 


Died. 


54.5 


M.l 


51.3 


10.0 


10.4 


9.5 


9.6 


9.6 


9.9 


11.6 


11.3 


18.3 


18.2 


16.3 


18.9 


2.3 


2.3 


2.8 


2.7 


1.0 


1.0 


1.2 


1.1 


2.8 


2.7 


2.8 


3.5 


1.5 


1.4 


1.6 


1.8 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 


100.0 



These figures reiterated from year to year with but little deviations corroborate the 
nationalistic relations revealed by the census. It must be remembered that the 
discrepancy in comparison to the census results finds its suflGicient explanation in the 
different conditions of age. mortality, and fecundity among the different nationalities 
clearly described in the demographical publications of the statistical office. 

liast we (|uote the figures indicating the percenta:** of the students of elementary 
and repetition schools according to their mother tongue in the school year 1910-11: 

Hungarians 54. 8 

Germans 12. 2 

Slovaks 1 3. 7 

Roumanians 11. 8 

Ruthenians 2. 4 

Croatians 1. 2 

Serbians 2. 4 

Others 1.5 

Total 100.0 

These figures, of course, are influenced by the circumstance that the different 
nationalities send their cnildren into school in different proportions. The data, 
however, are extant in each denomination and in each school; thus they may be com- 
pared in every community with the official data. The percenta§:e of the Roumanians 
among: the school goers is smaller than in the population. But it is well known that 
Iho schooling of the Roumanians is backward also in Roumania. 

.'Vfter all, the Hungarian statistical office is willing at any time to submit its precise 
method and its careful and conscientious employment in the nationalistic enrollment 
t > the criticism of the International Statistical Institution — alone competent to judge 
in the case. 



^j) 2.0. 2. 



o 













>^. 






'*b\^ 






s 



• * t 



1^^ 





.\ 



• s 









'^V-.;: 



• / •« 






■ -1 



0^ ^. 




* -^^ V. oVi^RAK* aV -^ 



..*' .0^ 






<^ 
















a\ % J. " . . s - O VJ 



r. . ■* A 



,^^ 









O w "^ . 



o V 






\ % .^^""^ ^\\%ik'"'^t^ .< 







4 















'^ i$&^/ m^^y m^^ 

"^•i. °'* ,<^ <^ *'..•' .0^ O 'o..« A, ^ 









Si- 









^ -iife %.^ -iSf: \/ ^^iif. %,^^:fi-? 









■{>.*■ oil"* ^^ 



4 c> 







'^ aO «^**°* <,> 






- :M 










;-.* ST. AUGUSTINE - />V'^7.* 







FLA. *^-v <^ s • • > ^ 



^onoA ^^ 




I